Of Romanticism and Pragmatism

Revisiting the Mahatma

2010-10-11T23:50:00.001-07:00

Every October, when Gandhi Jayanthi is commemorated, the show begins on a sombre note in the Indian official calendar, with the usual proclamations and dedications in the name of the Father of the nation. Television channels blare out on the significance of his arrival in the national socio-politico landscape; print media splash his images, in their various avatars. While the advertisers seek to lure their clientele by offering sops, make lofty claims of emulating the Mahatma, his frugality, austerity and principles even while marketing things otherwise ostentatious - as the issue of Mount Blanc luxury pens surfaced some time back.

Gandhi and his metaphors continue to captivate the nation subconsciously, while at the same time lawlessness, dismal governance, official apathy and public policies with their usual ham headed approach continues to derail the aam admi’s day to day existence. In the present context one may ask as to what is uncommon in the present commonwealth games? The games held at a magnitude bereft of any credibility, defy all established norms, exposes all the chinks in the official armour of the Indian state and its sporting establishment. The spirit of Gandhi ji would have left traumatized with the appalling conditions, cold indifference and the inflated bills for organizing such events. The recent instance of the treatment meted to the Ugandan delegates who met with an accident at the venue is a case to be carefully studied. Our Afro-Asian solidarity and Gandhian principles on resisting unequal racial relations, his experience in South Africa, has come in for close scrutiny and censure, given the official apathy towards the accident victims.

What perplexes the common masses is the propensity to invoke Gandhi and yet indulge in un-Gandhian activities. The Gandhians' feel that it is the Indian state and its people who have failed Gandhi. While others and some skeptics, who question the ‘officially designated’ Gandhians' feel that it is the Gandhians' who have let down both the Indian people and Gandhi ji. They point out that these ‘angels’ who invoke Gandhi from their official precincts, never walked under the blazing Indian sun (Dandi yatras’) nor undertook an arduous journey as done by people like Vinoba Bhave, Baba Amte or Sunderlal Bahuguna. So one may conclude that Gandhi ji remains a totem, which is omnipresent yet missing within the social and spiritual domains of the Indian populace at large.

While one may strongly agree in spite of the tumultuous times that we are witnessing, that Gandhi ji remains a pivotal point for questioning all kinds of inequality and injustice in any part of the world. Incidentally the Palestinian movement tried to invoke Gandhian tactics but failed, whereas late Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela could come out with remarkably successful results. The mobilization techniques deployed by Gandhi ji still remains relevant, notwithstanding the changes that have taken place over the last six decades.

The fact that an average politician howsoever grudgingly, comes to our doorstep to seek our vote, in spite of his/her ‘social standing’, is also the part of the legacy left behind by the saint of our freedom struggle. Gandhi ji was a master diplomat, an able statesman and a great political strategist who invoked religious values and spiritualism with a universal perspective, for the betterment, lest it polarize people to its narrow confines.

Yet this Gandhi Jayanthi too leaves us with many unanswered questions about the state of the nation, the discontent within the society, empowerment of the weaker sections, rotting food grains in state go-downs, while poor die of starvation, judicial recourse in day to day existence, matters of faith after parliament having played the same around two decades ago. Hence ‘revisiting’ the Mahatma and also waiting for one seems to be the perennial ritual in the annals of the nation.

Anomie and the spirit of Independence

2010-09-08T23:38:00.000-07:00

The hurling of a shoe at the Chief Minister of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, during the celebration of national independence, created ripples in the corridors of security and governance. Such acts have emerged as a nomenclature for a vehement assertion of prevailing disillusionment of individual and groups in the nation.

Annoyed, agonized, distressed, irritated, visibly victimized and alienated seems to the standard lexicon describing an average inhabitant of the valley. The conventional answers emanating from civil society actors, intellectuals, disenchanted politicians arrive at the usual explanation of alienation of the large section of the society, responsible for targeting the Indian state which is seen as the source for causing distress due to bad governance.

Interestingly poor governance is not a peculiar phenomena confined to any particular region rather is all pervasive afflicting the average Indian citizen. The statistics on law and order, safety of women and children, poverty and inequality clearly highlight their uninhibited prevalence across the nation, and not immune to any particular region.

The continuous splash of the images of funeral procession and stone throwers clearly portrays a land in turmoil but refuses to elaborate the issue any further. As perceptions and opinions galore from people not even remotely connected with issue, geographically and emotionally, the issue clearly boils into an image of a local protest translating into a civic unrest. While emergency meetings between the central government and various political groups have taken place to resolve the crisis, what is surprising is the fixation to deem the disturbances as an independence movement questioning India’s sovereignty.

The move by the central government to resume dialogue with Kashmiri leaders, including pro-Pakistan clearly projected an image of an embattled state apparatus with the separatist leaders taking potshots at this initiative. Such selective choice clearly generates potential fears of mob fury and violence gaining legitimacy with political groups encouraging the protesters in order to maximize their interests.

It must be noted that much of the televised debates acknowledge that the proposal for autonomy is not only obsolete but also fraught with several limitations. The Indian constitution clearly envisages resolution and safeguards concerning implementation of fundamental rights and autonomy to various regions, taking cognizance of their distinct identities. Such lopsided approach towards the crisis has the potential to trigger similar protests in regions affected by high handedness of law enforcement agencies.

Hence it is rather preposterous to start the political expedition on the beaten path when the common masses of India are confronted with acute price rise, unemployment and threats from terror outfits of various denominations.

The shoe pelting came as a political misnomer when the nation was bracing up to commemorate its sixty fourth year of independence and assert its image as a vibrant and responsible democracy. Similarly the recent incident of killing of farmers, protesting against land acquisition in Uttar Pradesh clearly highlights the present challenges to the state in addressing the aspirations of the common masses. Hence perceiving the issue as a threat confronting governance and security based on a lopsided understanding of the crisis.

Bandh and its Metaphors

2010-07-18T23:17:00.000-07:00

A strange sense of euphoria was on display, by some of the political groups who felt that a Bharat Bandh was the most potent method to confront the government on the issue of the increase in the prices of Petroleum products. The hike certainly would have an impact on the prices of the essential commodities that will add to the existing woes of the common masses, who are already reeling under the vagaries of price rise.

So a series of cover stories were splashed in various newspapers and TV channels vied for very comprehensive coverage of a bandh which went on to be projected as a new national festival. So a panoramic view of various political parties, their supporters and cheer leaders on the TV screens tried to provide some 'succor' to the famished masses of India. The daily wagers got some space to narrate their ordeal, while the air travelers lamented the lack of governance and order, whilst seeking to emerge as a responsible power in the international order.

The bandh got translated into a 'national festival' foisted by the anger of the opposition, alleged indifference of the state, growing civic unrest, rising gulf between the rich and the poor and poor management of the nation’s economy. It was debated on the lines of having witnessed a carnival akin to the soccer world cup mania that had gripped many Indian fans eagerly remaining awake all through the midnight to watch their favorite teams and icons in action. The bandh not only witnessed governance going for a toss in some regions, but resulted in the issue concerning law and order being treated like a ball that was repeatedly tossed around by various actors in the political arena.

With disruption of train services, trucks and buses off the roads, educational establishments and markets shut down, life came to a stand still in various parts of the country in order to register a protest against the hike in fuel prices. While the response to this bandh varied from state to state, the most striking point which turned into an appetizer for many media channels were the 'similarities' in the impact of the strike called by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Left parties in the states governed by them. Hence a scenario of an alleged political alignment of the Left and Right captured the attention of many analysts, pontificating on the utility and futility of such hypothetical political ideas.

The barometer for this bandh was being defined by more visuals of desolate road, empty market places, students not being able to go to their schools and colleges, anguished faces of daily wagers outside offices, malls, multiplexes and other places across India.

These developments were complemented by another set of visuals highlighting the challenges to governance in the nation. A chain of incidents ranging from the para military personals getting ambushed and passenger trains being derailed by naxalites, khap panchayats giving diktats against lovers opting for inter-caste unions and same gotra marriages to angry mobs in Jammu and Kashmir pelting stones to express their outrage over killing of protestors also competed to capture the attention of the aam admi.

A nation at the cusp of a new economic order, seeking a long awaited recognition in the comity of nations as a responsible regional power can ill afford to let signs of disorder linger and has to ensure adherence to the norms of good governance and an adequate space for the civil society to tackle the tremors emanating from within.

Book Review - Of a Leader and the Movement

2010-07-05T02:36:00.000-07:00

Martin Luther King Jr. (Biography), Routledge: London & Roli Books: New Delhi, 2002, Pages: xxvi + 356, Price: Rs.350/- , ISBN: 81-7436-322-X

Author: Peter J. Ling

The twentieth century could be termed truly as an ‘American Century’ with its footprints almost everywhere in the globe, due to its military, economic and technological reach, winning the cold war, with the Soviet Union slipping into oblivion. When the G8 leaders meet to ‘Make Poverty History’ to liberate the Dark Continent (Africa) from poverty, little would they realize that their attempts to promote a conformist view of the prevailing discourse on democracy, equality and sovereignty is also fraught by its own limitations.

In other words this exercise is cautiously viewed from some quarters as a strategic philanthropy when it comes to dealing with the Third World inhabited with weak states, to manufacture consent catering to the First World’s interests. Since many scholars feel that Africa’s agony have been its natural resources and its exploitation by the western business houses with tacit approval of the local despots. One may also ponder whether the eruption of compassion and generosity towards the African nations reach its logical end in this century?

Any student of social science would display legitimate curiosity about the state of the Afro-Americans, whose ancestors were enslaved, transported to the new world and struggled to attain the status and rights of a human and then of a Citizen. The present political boundaries of the African continent are but the creation of the former colonial empires. The history of the Black community in America (people of African origin) has been one of poignancy, desperation and that of a sub-human existence, of beasts carrying the burden of their imperial masters. The biography of Martin Luther King Jr. written by Peter J. Ling is both moving and astonishing given the account of struggle, agony and success of a big section of humanity who were subjugated on the basis of colour (racism). The writer has hit the nail on the head when he in categorical terms mentions the propensity of a section of white settlers in Southern states of USA to uphold slavery by invoking the Bible. The response to this distorted religious skullduggery has been a very philosophical introspection and a vibrant transformation of the Afro-Americans from a sense of subjugation to that of an assertive minority invoking the same scriptures for their emancipation. Stephen R. Haynes argues that it is widely acknowledged that the so-called curse of Ham was the religious rationale for slavery, utilized most often by antebellum southerners and by southern proslavery intellectuals particularly between 1830 and 1860 ("Original Dishonor: Noah's Curse and the Southern Defense of Slavery"). It has to be noted that during the American civil war the southern states sought to defend their right to preserve slavery whereas majority of its white populace didn't own any slaves but hoped to eventually get some by supporting the confederacy.

The author Peter J. Ling displays an intellectual honesty when he accepts the general suspicion revolving around biographies of historical personalities, which sometimes tend to exaggerate the role of its subject and undermine the structural forces and major events behind the emergence of the leader/personality. It would remain an endless debate whether martyrdom salvaged or preserved the position of Martin Luther King in the annals of black liberation movement. The author has invested an enormous amount of labour in tracing the events, circumstances and the historical forces which went into the making of Martin Luther King into a national icon to command a National public holiday in 1983. This is vindicated by the incorporation of various perspectives on the movement including contributions of other people in taking the movement to its logical end. The scholarly integrity is very obvious when Peter J. Ling takes note of the role of media in cultivating an image. Roy Wilkins of the NAACP resenting the manner in which the role of other Black leaders got camouflaged and at times played down. The reader can be assured that the book is not a heart rending narration of the life and times of Martin Luther King, his strength and weakness as an individual, but a dispassionate assessment of a man and the movement and how they influenced each other. The role of the First Baptist Church - the first "free negro" institution followed by the gathering of 700 black communicants in 1867 laid the way for group emancipation. Later organizations ranging from the African Methodist Episcopal (AME), the Women's Political Council, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and numerous other organizations which shaped the movement have been discussed at length and their role meticulously chronicled.

Afro-Americans of Martin Luther King's generation had a dream that they would eventually be accepted and accorded like other Americans with the same rights and privileges, as enshrined in the constitution, regardless of their colour and creed. The Civil Rights Movement, school integration, bus boycotts, move against segregation and mixed neighbourhoods were seen as instruments to achieve these goals. Much water has flown down the Ohio which witnessed symbols of resistance of the segregationist era, when sports legend Cassias Clay (presently known as Mohammad Ali), flung his Olympic gold medal in the river for having failed to secure an egalitarian America - for its involuntary migrants turned citizens.

The author deserves accolades for not only taking an unbiased picture of a historical personality and an era marred by contestations for equality and dignity for the marginalized and subjugated black community, but more for unraveling the human side of an icon of the liberation movement whilst assessing his contribution in an objective manner. Peter J. Ling is neither discreet nor vituperative about Martin Luther's personal life, but has thoughtfully ensured in his writing, that it doesn't overshadow the central concern of his research on the struggle of the Afro-Americans. This is the paradox of history that sometimes movements produce a personality and sometimes it is the personality who outlives the movement in the later stages, by assuming a legendary status.

The book very aptly covers wide ranging aspects of the black struggle ranging from the genesis of the problem, the making of Martin Luther King as a socio-political persona, the movement and its strategies. Like any other movement the black movement had its own set of challenges ranging from the internal squabbles as seen in any mass movements and a failure to broaden the base to accommodate inter-racial politics. However this doesn't in any manner obfuscate the contribution of some liberals from outside, like James J. Reeb, a clergyman from Boston and Mrs. Viola Gregg Liuzzo, who volunteered for the cause of Blacks and fell prey to the violence of the white supremacist groups like Ku Klux Klan.

Francis Fukuyama seems to be in a state of hallucination, with application of selective reading of current history, when he sermonizes that America is grounded in democracy and human rights and that there is a need to teach other people of the world to govern themselves. This proposition remains controversial and grandiose to some extent since the Afro-American community continues to be depicted in an incongruous manner by overzealous and excessive focus on the Rodney King episode, chasing O.J. Simpson and the recent trial of Michael Jackson. Notwithstanding the success of Justice Clarence Thomas, Gen.Collin Powell and Condolezza Rice, who are relegated as mere symbols. The position of Afro-American community remains abysmal in terms of poverty, unemployment and criminal activities.

This is very conspicuous age where there is a legitimate fear of states catering to majoriatrian democracy in the 'free world'. A fact endorsed by the toughest challenges faced by Martin Luther King from radicals like Malcolm X, who were out to justify the retaliatory strikes in Birmingham, citing the double standards of the Kennedy government in dealing with race riots. Earlier the anti-segregation Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW) was countered by President Truman's Federal Employee Loyalty Program. The FBI went to the extent of branding inter-racial association as a criterion for defining a subversive organization. It is well established that the complicity of the state in serving only majoritarian interests eventually erodes its neutrality and legitimacy and distorts democratic norms.

While there have also been widespread gains and remarkable developments in terms of abolition of racial barriers in the choice of spouse, employment and place of residence. But Emerson's prophecy of an American nation being built, by constructing a new race, a new religion and a new state, has been checked by a resounding wave of multiculturalism. The Blacks redesignated as African Americans or Afro-Americans, have chosen to emphasize their ethnic distinctiveness and the multicultural character of American society, after being left out of the 'collective experience' of making a new nation. Multiculturalism in America today is viewed as a reactive phenomenon, a consequence of its inability to incorporate the Afro-American populace into its society, to the same degree it has able to incorporate so many other immigrant groups including Indians. While it is quite palpable to understand Condoleezza Rice's self righteous reaction some years ago that, "We are not going to stop talking about the things that matter to us - human rights and religious freedom and so forth. We're going to continue to press those issues. We would not be America if we did not." It would remain a puzzle to understand why mainstream Afro-American politicians like Rev. Jesse Jackson had difficulty in soliciting the votes of the white working class when he contested the Democratic nomination with Michael Dukakis in 1988 (He secured 92% of Black votes but only 17% of white votes).

The assumption as propounded by Huntington that modernity is an exclusive characteristic of the West, primarily America, may appear evident on the surface. But such one dimensional definition of modernity tends to get skewed since many oppressive notions, racism being the most visible, appear under the garb of modernity rationalized by colonial science. Multiculturalism and the melting pot syndrome of assimilation are debated in American Universities, media and Hollywood, while trying to portray an ideal world. It also confronts an inescapable reality of unequal distribution of wealth, freedom selectively denied to the marginalized sections, a heightened unease between groups in the country of immigrants, on the issues of differences in religion, value system, race, and historical memories (conquest of America and slave trade).

The use of non-violence in the movement is very rightly described as a move to seek justice and reconciliation, Gandhiji's weapon of the weak in persuading and as well as pressurizing the regime to address the issues of equality and human dignity. Some of the strategies of the movement are reminiscent of India's freedom movement to some extent, when non-cooperation movement and Satyagarha dominated in the Indian freedom struggle. The move to have voter registration and one for demonstration after bus boycotts highlight the importance of electoral means in achieving the goals of the movement. As the author argues that by 1965 political exclusion of the Afro-Americans had considerably receded, the half century of migration of the blacks out of rural south paved way for creation of significant voting blocks in cities of New York, California and Michigan forcing the presidential candidates to take notice of them. The success of the passage of Civil Rights Bill, King's view on Vietnam War, mobilization in Chicago and the march in Montgomery has been very vividly showcased in this book which is part of the Routledge Historical Biography series.

In the end one would agree with the perspectives through which a social movement is analysed, taking note of its success, limitations and internal contradictions. Despite being a successful social movement one would very justly endorse Peter J. Ling that "success to Martin Luther King was never complete, enduring or unambiguous".

One defining moment in the history of the struggle of the Afro-Americans has been the pivotal role of the Church, in fostering a sense of fraternity, brotherhood and also in mobilization as was witnessed during the advent of the Baptist church. The author could have devoted some space on this phenomenon since he has tried to evaluate the role of black movement in the contemporary era in the last chapter. The debates about equality and emancipation rooted to a particular religion and issues of black racism also warrant some explanation. The last two decades have witnessed the radicalization of various religious denominations and has primarily swayed people living on the margins of the society. On the publishing side the only major grouse is the small font size of the book which is very irksome and not reader friendly. Finally the issues of dominant culture being internalized by some sections (white Anglo-Saxon Protestant culture) and their propagation, affirmative action in the United States and their impact in wake of the movement could be explored, after all institutions outlive individuals.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/books-review/south-asia/martin-luther-king-jr-210.html

Book Review - Ideological under currents in Indo-Israel Relations

2010-07-05T02:05:00.000-07:00

Namaste Sharon: Hindutva and Sharonism under US Hegemony, New Delhi, Left Word Books, 2003, Pages: X+111, Price: Rs.75.00

Author :Vijay Prasad

The book written by Vijay Prasad comes at time when India is trying to come out of the vestiges of the post soviet union world order and is in the process of redefining its interests. Prasad tries to explore the ideological moorings of Indo-Israel relations during the reign of the Bhartiya Janata Party led NDA government, in wake of the advent of US unilateralism. According to the author the advent of Hindutva in India, Likud party in Israel and their subsequent attempts for a strategic alliance, marked by the rise of Christian right/Neocons in the US is based on belligerent means and goals of confronting the Muslim populace and provoking their neighbouring states in their respective regions. The basis of this encounter has been denounced on the ground that it would only facilitate the imperial forays of the US in their respective regions, at the cost of undermining the local conflicts, falling into the Huntington trap which seeks to discredit and vilify Islam and Communism. The theme of the book is very innovative as not much literature is available in exploring the strands that reflect the importance of domestic politics and agendas in the formulation of foreign policy.

The book is flooded with details about names and events, regimes, organizations, personalities, international events and religious groups, by the author in his attempts to draw the picture of the collaboration between the rightist forces in these countries. It gives a vivid account of the nature of India’s relationship with the Arab world, the power of their energy resources in influencing India’s foreign policy, India straddling between new security concerns and traditional ties which evolved due to the shared values of the freedom struggle. At the same time the author states that the present Indo-Israel interaction is devoid of any objectivity. However the author displays dogmatism, when he refuses to throw light on any other probable factor apart from BJP’s ideological leanings that could have facilitated the recent developments in India’s relations with Israel and the United States.

The first and second chapter tries to chronicle the stages in which the Indo-Israel relations underwent qualitative changes from a limited engagement which was mainly influenced by the solidarity towards Arab nationalism under the leadership of Nasser. The author very candidly states the factors which determined India’s principled position on the Palestinian and Jewish question, during India’s struggle for independence under the vanguard of the Indian national Congress. Nehruvian idealism envisaged support to the hitherto unrepresented nationalities of the Third world and displayed an avowed solidarity to the cause of Palestine as well as deplored the holocaust. This was followed by pragmatic concerns like dependence on the Arab oil and balancing act in negotiating with the cold war conundrum which deterred any kind of move towards Israel.

The proponents and earlier writings of Hindutva, which emerged as a political force in the electoral politics of India and also witnessed the coming of right wing BJP to power in 1998, are adequately highlighted in the third and fourth chapters to derive a comparative framework. The common ground on which the enterprise of formation of the nation state operates is the writings of Golwalkar, Savarkar addressing the Jewish question, emulating the ideals of Nazism and Zionism. The author notes that the relations with Israel witnessed a qualitative shift in 1998 thus vindicating what he terms the anti Islam character of Hindutva. He opines that BJP’s sole purpose has been in crafting the security doctrine based on fear and strength (P.27). Such sweeping generalization clearly evades the political pressures from India’s domestic constituency vis a vis Israel. India’s diplomatic imbroglio at the Organisation of Islamic countries on the Kashmir issue or India towing the Moroccan line on the Saharawi independence movement as a trade off on the Kashmir issue, its stand on East Timor and cross border terrorism emanating from Pakistan do not find even a passing reference in the dissection of the ‘ideological under currents’ that govern the Indo-Israel relations under the American umbrella. The rise of suicide terrorism in J&K is defined as a result of the BJP regime’s attempts to replicate the harsh counter terrorism measures of the Sharon regime.

However there is a genuine call for caution and restraint in negotiating is the rising American hegemony in the comity of states, which has the propensity to inundate the world through its military might and commerce. India’s quest to seek a suitable place under US unilateralism by endorsing Bush doctrine is highly flawed since both India and Israel can’t match the prowess of the US. They would invariably end up as regional satraps/ vassals, catering to the American grandiose plans of spreading its military and economic wings in South Asia and West Asia respectively. These is vindicated by the role of MNCs like Enron and the conditionalties attached to aid which threaten to subvert the existing economic institutions in countries like India.

The fifth and sixth chapter focus on the contours and seeds of the strategic relationship between India and Israel that had been laid in the 1960’s and 1970’s devoid of any publicity. The relations continue to be one sided in terms of India’s dependence on Israel to replace its vintage soviet weaponry and tap alternate sources of arms supply to deal with embargos in the aftermath of Pokhran tests in 1998. Ties with Israel are also seen as a wishful attempt to retrieve India’s conventional superiority which had been neutralized by Pakistan conducting similar tests in Chagai in 1998. The debate shifts to the interaction between the Indian diaspora and the Jewish groups in the United States, trying to influence the regimes in their respective homelands in forging an alliance in wake of ‘similar threats’, a move influenced by geopolitical rather than cultural values. The author seems to miss a major point with regard to the role of diaspora in trans national religious movement when he uses terms like ‘Yankee Hindutva’, as he seems to look at certain religious movement and groups in isolation while extending benefit of doubt to others. While globalization is blamed for economic and cultural hegemony by the west, issues like Saudi based Wahhabi fundamentalism move against syncretic and secularist Islamic culture across the globe warrants adequate attention.

Overall the book is a welcome intervention and tries to bridge the divide between domestic and international politics. The south Asian region remains Indo -centric in terms of its geographical spread and asymmetrical power structure. Politicization of religion or fundamentalism of any kind is not peculiar to any particular country in the Indian subcontinent. A broad perspective needs to be adopted while exploring the linkages between terrorism, fundamentalism and globalization.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/books-review/us-south-asia/namaste-sharon-hindutva-and-sharonism-under-us-hegemony-190.html

Media Bytes and the Caste Dice

2010-06-14T04:07:00.000-07:00

The recent debate in the media over the inclusion of caste in census merely exposes the double standards.

Caste a term which evokes heightened anxiety in the social sphere with various sections of the society deliberating and berating its utility in polity and public policy. Recently an icon of the silver screen lamented over the premium caste commands in the Indian society and went to blog that if he is asked about his caste, he would emphatically state Indian for an answer.

While a section of the metro city based progressives and radicals talk about the dangers fraught upon by this move, the political class based on primordial groupings, a byproduct of the social movements in the countryside vehemently assert that caste has always been an innate part of our socio-political discourse. So refusal to address the issue of caste by shying away from the ‘ground reality’ would harm the cause of social justice with the social division and deprivation remaining entrenched.

The decision still remains in animatedly suspense with deep divisions within major political parties. Media finds the issue quite challenging in its manifestation with hordes of politicians, social activists’ and retired bureaucrats biting the media bait. The series of debates in the print and visual media were trying to arrive at a judgment about the prevalence of caste and the need to erase it from the social sphere notwithstanding the fact that caste remains an anchor of solidarity not only in the countryside infested with khaps and infected by honour killings but in urban and metropolitan environs. Caste in other words continues to influence the grammar of social interaction, be it the Indian bureaucracy or in social echelons.

The new media that has brought Facebook and Twitter, gives jitters to the conventional media and questions the state control over communication waves, has transformed and sustained caste based loyalties and solidarities through its digital social networks. The classic vindication of modernity of tradition is the prevalence of online matrimony sites wherein the process of match making is guided by software which takes note of the innumerable socio-cultural variations in terms of language, caste, clan, regions or horoscopes. Hence caste has its own significance in terms of the social behaviour of various groups and can’t be relegated to the background on the modernizer’s plea. As Shiv Vishwanathan very succinctly states that caste is information and it would be foolhardy to suppress that piece of information in a knowledge society.

The larger issue missed by various idealists in the media, is that the information on the status of social groups helps the policy makers to review the performance of various developmental projects designed and implemented by the state. This certainly calls for a sociological understanding of the human society, which would envisage an objective assessment of socio-economic development of the citizen. While caste remains an idiom in the polity, it also has the propensity to negotiate with the polity for seeking social and economic empowerment. After all didn’t the nation witness a change in the profile of political leadership after the advent of the green revolution – it was akin to no votes without political representation of groups in the structure of governance. The census is not an exercise to resurrect the demons of the past but an attempt to know our present for evolving a better future. This certainly highlights the role caste can play in social mobilization, notwithstanding the hullaballoo about the resurrection of caste which ironically has firmly withstood through out the sixty years of our independence.

Of Khap Diktat's and Deobandi Fatwa's – some thoughts

2010-05-21T04:53:00.000-07:00

The recent developments in Haryana involving the disturbing rise of Khaps or caste based community networks and their kangaroo courts have been noticed with much anxiety across the social and political spectrum. The main argument which emerged amidst the cacophony was the role of the state and civil society in negotiating and reconciling between the individual rights and group rights.

While what could have been an interesting exercise for various social science thinkers, policy framers and analyst, the cold blooded and dastardly killing of couples has sullied any meaning intellectual skulduggery.

This crisis also witnessed certain sections of the society who strongly feel the need to revisit the existing nomenclature governing Hindu marriage Acts and incorporate the demands of the aggrieved groups in wake of eroding community rights and demands. Madhu Kishwar in her recent article (A Question of Balance, Times of India, 18 May 2010, Page - 18) very rightly questions the outburst and attempts to brush aside demands from social groups to incorporate changes in consonance to their customs and tradition. At the same time this doesn’t mean endorsing killings of any kind orchestrated by Khaps in Haryana, but an application of law that is all encompassing and takes note of prevailing customs and traditions.

Kishwar confronts the present discourse fanned by ‘modernizers’ and ‘progressive groups’ about the inherent contradictions that have percolated from top down in the Indian state and its poor track record in addressing few but grave anomalies in the application of secularism and laws concerning individual rights. The Indian Constitution had envisaged that the state shall impose a Uniform Civil Code (UCC), but the deliberate attempts of earlier regimes not only has ensure continued subjugation of women but has led to evolution of a convoluted form of secularism in a heterogeneous country.

So by this logic women irrespective of their location in the society and primordial identity are subjected to a secondary position due to the endorsement of an oppressive and exploitative patriarchical order. Icons like Shah Bano or Banwari Devi have been very swiftly relegated to the dustbin of history while the ‘activists’ of the ivory tower deeply enmeshed in their upper class prejudices debate about landmark judgments and on attack on pub going by fringe groups. It is understandable that justice for late Priyanka Mattoo or Jessica Lall must be delivered but what is baffling is the utter indifference of these armchair gender rights enthusiasts towards the large scale violence and oppression of women in the countryside. As Kishwar contends that ‘when one community seeks constitutional guidelines to protect what they consider as their personal laws, how can others not be extended the same benefits’?

This may be disturbing and sound repulsive for a section of the society who are part of the new class of the rising global Indians, who have utilized moderns tools and technology and are well integrated into the globalized world order through personal, social and professional links. They would like to believe that such traditional identities and institutions are redundant in an age where people like them chose their partners in a shopping mall, multiplex, universities, work place or surfing through the digital networks.

These developments call for a debate as to who should represent "what" and what norms should be adhered to in dealing with cultural norms in a heterogeneous society. While this is not to deride legitimate grievances of some social groups about the alleged misrepresentations of their faith and values, the Indian state also envisages provision of marriage under the Special Marriage Act exists to legalize marriages of those who wish to not toe their community’s line nor adhere to customary practices. This is a significant feature since there are innumerable couples tying the knot cutting across caste, religion, sects or linguistic affiliations. Moreover custom concerning matrimony varies every hundred miles in India, for example cross cousin marriages in the south would be considered an anathema in the north.

Similar concerns emerged when the Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband fatwa regarding women working in the proximity of men without the veil. Earlier similar fatwas were issues on a range of issues like donning the purdah or photo identity cards for voters, based on interpretations of the Holy Scriptures. The standard argument which is extended is that in an age of globalization members of various socio-cultural groups are losing their moorings and hence there is a need to build bridges with those whom they deem as drifters/cultural vagabonds in order to bring them back to their faith.

The conventional justification to such acts are that there is a need for spiritual and religious anchor and such diktats are seen as enlightening the present generation of Muslims. It is needless to state that the role of activists and media are frowned upon on the grounds of their role in alleged biases and alleged support to the Eurocentric discourses on Islam.

In this context kishwar also contends the role of the Indian state and its intervention to force its citizens to discard practices and kinship values simply because they are traditional and rather urges restraint as long as they are not imposed through force, threats or violence.

It may be noted that local politics should not be seen in isolation from national politics and that symbolic mocking at the assertions of nondescript Khap leaders or Fatwas of Maulanas may have become a norm in the television studios. At the same time India's anglicized middle class who usually complain about the politics of assuaging the ‘sensitivities’ of the electorate continue to display an inexplicable silence towards the need to implement the Uniform Civil code. Perhaps this also explains the prevailing ambiguity and anxiety in negotiating with sanskritization, westernization and modernity of tradition.

Hence while every group has the legitimate right for self preservation, they must ensure that they display adequate social tolerance towards its members who want to go the other way and at the exercise moral persuasion and not subject them to violence and social censorship.

Acknowledgment
1 - Image of Khap - IBN
2 - Image of the Deoband Conclave - The Outlook Magazine

Blogger Bachchan and Political Feudalism

2010-04-20T04:28:00.000-07:00

Amitabh Bachchan, a living legend of the Indian silver screen seems to have emerged as an outcast wherein his actions and personal space are being encroached if they are not in ‘consonance’ with the likes of the ruling establishment.

The recent diatribe by certain disgruntled and nondescript politicians bemoaning over Big B being a guest of honor during the inauguration of Bandra-Worli Sea Link at Mumbai on flimsy grounds is a matter of concern. The outburst by the lower rung politicians, some of whom didn’t find mention in the guest list, had upped their ante against their government in Maharashtra by the seeking the removal of their Chief Minister over the presence of Amitabh Bachchan at the event.

Their main grouse in the present controversy is that the senior Bachchan had chosen to be the brand ambassador for the state of Gujarat, which is governed by their arch rival the BJP with whom, they are locked in a running battle over the communal riots of 2002. So they argue that Bachchan by not taking a clear stand on the riots and not condemning the role of Narendra Modi government doesn’t qualify to be invited for official functions in Congress governed states.

Bachchan has clarified time and again that by accepting the offer to become brand ambassador of any Indian state he is merely promoting tourism and in no way endorsing the politics of the ruling party in the state. Earlier he had been the brand ambassador for the state of Uttar Pradesh during the rule of Samajwadi Party. Ironically, the government of Kerala which was keen to have Bachchan for promoting tourism in gods own country retreated after their central leadership vetoed on similar grounds.

Since some years it is etched in popular memory that Bachchan is being treated as a persona non grata by the Congress regime at the centre, which is attributed to the gradual slump in his relations with the Gandhi family. A trusted aide and a childhood friend of Rajiv Gandhi, Bachchan also took a plunge into politics at the behest of the former and went on to defeat HM Bhahuguna in the Allahabad polls in 1984. The Bofors scandal broke that bonhomie and Bachchan in order to retrieve his image renounced active political life by resigning from the parliament. There has been a systematic move to sideline him in state sponsored functions concerned with film industry with the establishment picking second line stars and sometimes insignificant stars to grace such functions. Moreover his son Abhishek Bachchan’s posters and his video message for Earth Hour 2010 were removed hours before the event.

In an age of ambivalent media and paid news Bachchan has been very categorical through his blog informing the masses about his responsibility as a citizen and his contribution as a conscious member of the society in promoting social causes. In a recent interview to NDTV, Bachchan has been very categorical about his responsibility as a citizen and his contribution as a conscious member of the society in promoting social causes. He has also endorsed NDTV’s save the Tiger campaign ironically without evoking any controversy.

He also responded to this controversy by stating that people taking umbrage at his association with Gujarat had never battled an eyelid on business icons like Ratan Tata or Mukesh Ambani investing in the state and running successful ventures from there. Bachchan has skillfully responded to the controversy in the public sphere by soliciting readers views on him attending such programmes after uploading invitations received from different ministers on his blog. The move intended to browbeat a ‘political rival’ ended up in targeting a celebrity, which boomeranged with the action hero meticulously getting back at the political khaps panchayats through his blog addressing his enraged fans.

Of an artist’s freedom and artistic freedom - MF Husain and citizenship

2010-04-19T04:33:00.000-07:00

The recent news of Qatari citizenship being offered to renowned Indian painter MF Husain had generated cacophony among a section of the society. There have been prolonged debates and obituaries written about liberal Indians being relegated to the list of endangered species and that liberal arts are under grave threat from a rising section of intolerant Indians.

This is certainly an issue which evoked lot of concern in the print and visual media. There has been a considerable amount of prime time devoted to mourn the ‘death of the liberal Indian’ with intellectuals, artistes of all hues, cultural guardian angels composing requiems and taking part in the funeral orations to mark the ‘demise’ of the liberal Indian.

Some years back India also had witnessed some groups announcing cash awards to blacken Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasreen’s face at the Kolkatta book fair and also to humiliate Salman Rushdie during his visit to Mumbai for their alleged blasphemous writings. There has been a spurt in activities by fringe groups seeking to intimidate artists and scholars and writers and it has been noticed that sometime government meekly gave in to their unjust demands.

There have been several instances when the state chose to be ambivalent on some issues and shied away from addressing core issues concerning freedom of expression and used to resort to ban. The Rajiv Gandhi government went ahead and banned Salman Rushdie’s novel ‘The Satanic Verses’ following pressure by some sections of the Muslims. The Hollywood film ‘The Last Temptation of Christ’ met with a similar fate for allegedly being blasphemous and hurting religious sentiments.

This is not to deride legitimate grievances of certain sections of the society who do question misrepresentations of their faith and values. What has rather turned the entire issue concerning MF Husain accepting Qatari citizenship is the manner in which an individual’s right and choice’s concerning commercial interests have been projected.

Firstly agreement between Husain and the Emirate is purely of commercial nature running into millions and not a litmus test for the Indian state or society. Husain was certainly harassed by various cases but the Supreme Court had ensured by its earlier judgment that any kind of frivolous cases are not filed against him. Husain in other words has let down many of his liberal supporters and has chosen to defend his right to freedom and expression.

Secondly Indian polity and society remains an arena of contending politics, interests and as well as victimhood. So in terms of arts and creativity it is the individual who might be targeted and not his/her creed. Hence the claim of Husain or his supporters that India does not need him or is indifferent towards him remains a hallow claim. So are the publicity stunts by certain arm chair cultural activists about the prevalence of an alleged Indian version of ‘McCarthyism’.

The recent violence in Karnataka had claimed two lives and resulted in damage of public property worth crores over republication of an article allegedly written by Taslima Nasreen. Incidentally few years ago the progressive Left Front government of West Bengal chose to ban Taslima Nasreen’s book Dwikhandito, which is a cause of concern and calls for an urgent need to check social censorship, and save shrinking space for a civil way to resolve competitive discourses. Taslima’s life is under severe threat and is not being ‘hounded’ by litigations but by the religious chauvinist male driven social order. This is something which a rational liberal has to confront if citizenship of a theocratic state accepted by MF Husain offers better creative environs and artistic freedom than a democratic nation with a heterogeneous identity.

The Indian polity could be surcharged given the vote politics practiced by party politics but it doesn’t prevent the liberal Indians from defending the right of expression and also promote the resolution of differences in a democracy having pluralist ethos.

Indians’ and the IPL – cine stars on a moral plane for commercial gains

2010-02-05T04:45:00.000-08:00

The Indian media and the political community seems to be enmeshed in selective amnesia and churns out discourse and myths which helps the cause of film stars owning cricket clubs and reinforces an one dimensional idea of India.

The recent attempts to create a moral hype and hoopla over Hindi film star Shahrukh Khan’s comments on the non-inclusion of Pakistani cricketers in the IPL vindicates the dangers of sectional and partisan interests whether business or sheer primordialism gaining credence. Shahrukh has maintained that he had commented on this issue in his individual capacity. This observation has certainly no sectarian overtones and rather is in consonance with the understanding that in commercial sporting events like the IPL players should be selected on the basis of their skills rather than nationality. The commercial logic to his comments is also understandable given Shahrukh’s business venture in the sports of cricket with high stakes in Kolkata Knight Riders.

However what is significant is the discourse which seeks to design a wider platform for Shahrukh with a section of media and political parties supporting him by seeking an unwarranted endorsement from the civil society on broader issues like democracy, secularism and nationalism which got unwittingly incorporated into the present controversy. Shahrukh as a sports entrepreneur had invoked merit rather than identity in pure commercial ventures like the IPL which has cricketers of all hue are auctioned and bought by various clubs participating in a mammoth corporate cricketing extravaganza. It is certainly bereft of any nationalistic or even jingoistic agenda for it’s a sporting extravaganza between the private clubs having players of various nationalities.

Interestingly Mr Lalit Modi, CEO of the IPL stated that the exclusion of Pakistani players was based on business logic rather than any other considerations and vehemently denied any role of the Manmohan Singh’s government in this issue which also flared up the diplomatic circles in Pakistan.

Now what is more interesting is the kind of interpretation and ideological legitimacy the major players have tried to invoke. Firstly the Shiv Sena a regional party with its influence confined to regions of Maharashtra took umbrage to khan’s observations on the ground he had endorsed cross border terrorism emanating from Pakistan and that he was inconsiderate to the victims of terror in Mumbai – 26/11. They went to stoke the political fire after meekly retreating from their verbal tirade against the inclusion of Australian cricketers in the IPL teams in response to more than 100 racist attacks on Indians. Shiv Sena maintains that inclusion of Pakistani cricketers or remorse over their exclusion is “anti-National” and an act of anathema towards the victims of terror and particularly anti-Marathi in manifestations.

Secondly the Indian National Congress seeks to maintain a flip flop strategy and usually endorses viewpoint which seeks furtherance of their political dividends irrespective of it catering to sectarian goals. While the quixotic Home Minister at the centre lambasted terrorism selectively, he also regretted the ‘omission’ of the Pakistani cricketers but raised the tempers on the diplomatic front – setting conditions for improving relations with Pakistan. While ignoring the issues like lack of governance and militarization of the society he had upped the ante on issues like Naxalism notwithstanding issues like prevalence of feudal political economy and its impact on the social structure in the countryside. The congress led patron-client political order had collapsed and the attempts to use misplaced notions of modernity and its subsequent influence on citizenship and rights of the English speaking urban centric Indian middle class.

So in other words we may come across nobody speaking on the prevalence of caste or religious based segregation between various communities or even violence based on primordial identities in the game of cricket.

Moreover to extrapolate Shahrukh’s comments in the sphere of people to people talks or post 26/11 normalization of diplomatic ties between India and Pakistan is fraught with its own limitations. What could be unraveled in the present scenario is an intelligent war of words and a marketing strategy which could be a case study for PR firms. ‘My name is Khan’ certainly has grand business propositions wherein the common Indian viewers are insignificant given the overseas revenue generated by the contemporary commercial Indian cinema.

Preceding the forthcoming release of ‘My name is Khan’ was also a different issue which was sought to be enmeshed in the usual dialectics of the west vs Islam. Shahrukh Khan was detained last year at the Newark airport in the US and questioned. He chose to hoist this issue on a national level with English media trying to heckle the Indian government and political parties raising the bogey of an alleged Muslim victimhood. Interestingly the same media houses displayed an inexplicable silence when Tamil actor Kamal Hassan was detained for five hours in an airport in the United States. So was the case of other personalities of the Indian film industry like Neil Mukesh, or Kabir Khan who had been detained and questioned on the basis of suspicion. This is has been rather very peculiar as in this context the hype over Shah Rukh Khan whom his supporters would like to project as a world icon yet selectively deploy his Muslim identity in the deliberations revolving around the post 9/11 world order.

Kamal Hasan is rather branded as a Tamil star notwithstanding his Indian identity and his detention in the New York airport is brushed aside for it seen as something parochial and to particular extent peripheral. The Indian media chose to turn a Nelson’s eye when Ravi Shankar, associate professor of English and poet-in-residence at Central Connecticut State University was arrested and bundled into the prison on a weekend.

The events of 9-11 have altered the discourse concerning mainland security in the United States and subsequent events have transformed the way we used to perceive modern warfare and contemporary terrorism. This has also witnessed the emergence of security centric state apparatus wherein national security, preemptive strikes and random questioning as well as detentions are on the rise. The move by the US to profile people from 13 countries at the airport is a step influenced by post 9/11 paranoia however this development also highlights the vulnerability of the superpower as agents of terror continue to emit shock and awe through new converts as encountered in the recent Delta Airlines episode.

The idea of India as attributed by the bollywood as the new Hindi film generations like to identify themselves, represents an involutedly image of Hindi centric discourse wherein anything that subscribes to the Hindi linguistic domain is viewed as national, legal and rational.

Ironically the contemporary Hindi language of the Mumbai film industry that confronts the rest also suffers from blissful ignorance of the lived experience of the majority of the Indian masses cutting across the regional and cultural divide. The present age of globalization as viewed by the industry has also obliterated the traditional role of Urdu lyricists and musicians and has embraced the digital music churned out from the west. The very idea of a Hindi identity in the Mumbai films are that of a anglicized moron, business tycoon or a corporate patriarch engrossed in straddling between the present i.e. anglicized world and the old one i.e. former yet partly present self.

While many people including 'some khans' had been questioned but lacked political connections to be bailed out easily within two hours. Khan was fortunate to have a friend who is an office bearer in the cricket bureaucracy, a nondescript politician with reasonable influence, who flashed the SOS signals to the Indian political establishment and resolved the issue.

Ironically the discourse on racial profiling and sense of injustice was very subdued when news broke out about the former Indian President APJ Kalam's being frisked at the New Delhi international airport. So was the case about the frisking of the former Defense Minister George Fernandes during his visit to the United States.

Shahrukh’s voyage into the world of sports like cricket through IPL venture and hockey through cinematic interpretations have been invoked by the Congress as a welcome intervention for a robust civil society and by the section of media as valuable addition to the project of creating icons in a digital society. This incidentally is missing for people who are well established icons in the collective imagination of the nation if they are found to the other side of the camp i.e. affiliations with non Gandhi political families.

This is vindicated by the fact that Shahrukh’s tussle with Shiv Sena is viewed by the congress regime through the prism of politics over ‘secularism’ and defending a member of the minority. The Indian National Congress seeks to reclaim Shahrukh as a Muslim actor, which he has also subconsciously deployed in the present debate. The move by the congress-NCP government in Maharashtra to scan through the statements of the Sena in the last 15 days on its leader Rahul Gandhi as well as Shahrukh is another attempt to showcase Shahrukh the IPL cricket entrepreneur as a Muslim icon in distress. Shahrukh’s proximity to the younger Gandhis’ is very much evident when he had invited them to watch a match in which KKR was playing.

Some questions still linger on as to what prevented Shahrukh and other ‘pacifists’ from bidding for a Pakistani player and what were the factors that were instrumental in make him appear sanctimonious after a week after the bidding process was over. Was it a simple act of pontification with business proposition or an eye to the much awaited release of ‘My Name is Khan’ which the star claimed as very special? As mentioned earlier the commercial logic certainly is a significant factor given the volume of the overseas revenue.

At the hindsight one may also be amused at the proclivity to bask in an ongoing discourse in the west i.e. the stereotype images of the Muslims and to drag Muslims of India into it irrespective of their own diversity and polyglot existence like any other Indian community. Subjugation of the marginalized and the assertion of the subaltern has always been a pertinent issue which has drawn adequate attention in India’s popular culture through the depiction various class and cultural conflicts. For a member of such marginalized sections such attempts to create a homogeneous frame of any community is a disruption from lived realities and self definitions of various groups, which would lead to another set of questions like why not ‘depict the realities confronted by 'My name is Paswan’ or a ‘Gond or a ‘Phoolan’.

Some time back Amitabh Bachchan was humiliated by Congress led government after initial talks with the Chief Minister of Goa who had invited him to inaugurate the film festival. He and his wife Jaya Bachchan were berated by Raj Thackhrey for cozying up to the development projects of the then government of Uttar Pradesh and for becoming brand ambassador of the state. Interestingly the same nondescript politician who is said to have facilitated Shahrukh’s social-political ties with the Gandhis’ has fired a salvo at Bachchan, criticizing him for choosing to become a brand ambassador for Gujarat. He went on to add that Bachchan might subconsciously end up supporting ‘vested interests’ by agreeing to endorse the development policies of the BJP led government of the state.

Such selective amnesia smacks of a selective intolerance, a notion of sanctity attributed to the present ruling party at the centre notwithstanding the fact that the cozying up of the Congress in favour of Shahrukh could but only facilitate catering to the vested interests of the Congress known to have conceived and carrying the burden of convoluted secularism and sectarianism in Indian nation.

In a nation of more than a billion people, foisting a discourse based on an individual’s likes and dislikes and seeking to validate sectional interests (Shiv Sena & Congress) as a universal one, would certainly rob democracy of its normative value.

The fillip by the media has certainly helped Shahrukh in addressing different audiences at the same time - creating cricketing bonhomie, basking on the general sympathy to strengthen his brand position and generate a grand opening for his latest film.

Reference:

1. The idea of justice in India is indeed vague
http://news.rediff.com/column/2009/aug/18/guest-idea-of-justice-in-india-is-indeed-vague.htm
2. Ordeal for Indian professor in US jail
http://news.rediff.com/report/2009/aug/19/indian-professor-ravi-shankar-arrested-in-us.htm
3. Razzaq U-turn finger at SRK – Samyabrata Ray Goswami, The Telegraph, February 5, 2010, http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100205/jsp/frontpage/story_12069708.jsp
4. Amitabh Bachchan not invited to IFFI! November 18, 2009.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/bollywood/news-interviews/Amitabh-Bachchan-not-invited-to-IFFI/articleshow/5240010.cms
5. Pedestrian function - by Devi Cherian, The Tribune, September 24, 2007
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070924/edit.htm#8
6. Priyanka, Rahul cheer for Shah Rukh’s Knight Riders, April 20th, 2008
http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/sports/priyanka-rahul-cheer-for-shah-rukhs-knight-riders_10040125.html

Of Governors and Chaotic Democracy

2009-09-14T23:21:00.000-07:00

The events which occurred in Jharkhand from the declaration of election results till the night of 11 March was a misuse of constitutional office and flagrant attempt to subvert the law of the land. The drama unfolded with the controversial decision of the Governor, Syed Sibtey Razi, to invite Sibu Soren to form a government while his opponents, the NDA, was the largest pre poll alliance, short of four votes to claim a majority. The second stage was the righteous indignation displayed by the BJP-led NDA which later paraded its 36 legislators and 5 independents before the President, who summoned the Governor to New Delhi after their letters of support of the independents was ignored by the Governor. The third stage was the intervention of the Supreme Court directing the advancement of the vote of confidence to 11 March from 15 March to allay fears of horse trading. It thwarted the move of the Soren regime to nominate an Anglo-Indian member to gain advantage in the voting. What followed was mobocracy inside the State Assembly with the UPA members stalling the proceedings on the grounds that the protem speaker installed by them was not authorized to conduct a floor test, thereby committing contempt of court and stretching the limits of legislative autonomy.

The crisis is an omen of dangerous times, with the Congress Party acknowledged as the Grand Old Party of Indian politics, emerging as the worst subverter of democracy, party politics and propriety. The chain of events after the Manmohan Singh led UPA government came to power has witnessed the erosion of the 'divine values and rights' proclaimed by sycophants of the Congress, embedded in secularism, governance and federalism. It started with the move to reinvigorate the office of Governors by 'cleansing' it of individuals who were not adherents of the Congress ideology, and making it a tool to further the party's goals by manipulating the electoral mandate in Goa and Jharkhand.

This is not to hold a fig leaf for the illustrious opponents of the UPA regime, but to state that democracy cannot function by the mere presence of institutions but by respecting the space for diversity of opinion and ideas highlighted by the elections, especially by fractured mandates. Respect for democracy ideally implies recognition that non Congress parties have the same right to exist as the Congress in the political spectrum.

India's political history is replete with examples of attempts to centralize power by Congress in the states, by exercising control over state politics through the Governor where it was on a weak wicket. The major impetus to the politics of the late N T Rama Rao and other regional leaders was the issues of the Congress-led Central governments attempting to topple non Congress regimes in the states, and thus endangering federal democracy over the long run.

What Governor Sibtey Razi did could appear as political acumen to myopic Congressmen, who have justified any move adding strength to the UPA regime, under the garb of 'safeguarding' secularism. Political parties of all hues have contributed to this doctrine in India's political lexicon. The office of Governor has great sanctity, and he is seen as the defender of the Constitution in the federal units. Abuse of his office distorts the federal democracy and encourages regional movements to raise awkward issues confronted by various state governments.

The latest move to swear in the NDA government under Arjun Munda after the resignation of Sibu Soren, and belated attempts by the Central government to salvage its blemished public image has put a lid on the crisis. But the damage to federal norms and politics has been done. Questioning the limits of judicial intervention would appear fallacious and a diversionary tactic to raise the issue of alleged encroachment into the legislative domain, Arjun Munda sought judicial remedy. The Supreme Court's intervention was necessitated to calm the chaotic political environment created by the Governor and UPA.

Democracy should not be relegated to seer manipulation of numbers and subversion of the electoral mandates. Non adherence to conventions in case of unclear electoral verdicts would only project the office of Governors as the viceroys of the Central government.

Published on 16 March 2005, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1674

Of Godhra, Governance and Laloo's Swansong

2009-09-14T23:00:00.000-07:00

The timing for making the Banerjee Commission's interim report on the Godhra carnage public, followed by the histrionics of the Union Railway Minister and Bihar's strong man Laloo Yadav, could ignite a communal inferno. The release of the interim report has raised justifiable concerns as Laloo Yadav is the central figure in the Bihar elections and references to it has dented its credibility in wake of the attempts by Laloo Yadav to manufacture political capital over the Gujarat riots. His attempts to portray himself as the patron saint of secularism displays his callousness towards the populace by seeking to divert attention from his moral and political culpability of failing to adhere to the basic norms of governance.

Invoking the Interim Report of the Banerjee Commission during the assembly polls in Bihar is tantamount to playing the old game of vote bank politics. This is evident by Laloo Yadav's visit to Muslim-dominated areas and waving a copy of the report in the election rallies, and talking about punishing the guilty, which could hardly generate any kind of reassurance when the riot victims of the Bhagalpur riots in 1989 still wait for justice. The Bihar state government is yet to give compensation to the riot victims and the missing charge sheets from the police department is a telling tale of social justice in Bihar.

The issues confronting the Rashtriya Janata Dal government are manifold, which has made Bihar a functioning anarchy. Firstly, the proclivity of the likes of Pappu alias Rajan Yadav, a Member of Parliament, in subverting the rule of law. Secondly the reign of the armed gangs which have a relatively free run to threaten the lives and property of the people in the country side. Thirdly, the problem of exodus from the state to other parts of the country in search of employment and basic necessities, which had stoked parochial sentiments in these areas. Moreover there has not been any notable change in the last 15 years in the brutalization of the marginalized sections of society particularly the Dalits, with private armies and naxalites calling the shots. Ironically the Election Commission had severely reprimanded Laloo Yadav after it found him guilty of serious violations of the model code of conduct by distributing money to voters.

The situation in Bihar evokes both outrage and amusement when Laloo Yadav, the Railway Minister, tries to ensure governance by symbolic stunts like the introduction of Khullars (earthen cups) in the trains, which was presented as a vindication of Gandhian values and the celebration of 'rustic lifestyle' in a changing and globalizing India. But the fact that terror continues to haunt passengers from armed gangs and cases of unruly behavior of security personnel on certain train routes, suggests a very different picture.

One can argue that local politics should not be seen in isolation from national politics and that mocking at Bihar's social condition has become a refrain for India's anglicized middle class to complain about. Nevertheless questions about the governance in Bihar and norms of accountability cannot be brushed aside, with Laloo Yadav at the helm of affairs for over 15 years. A fair assessment of the state of governance under Laloo Yadav's leadership should transcend the much debated social phenomenon of the rise of the backward castes in Indian politics as there have been numerous examples of its utilisation for electoral purposes cutting across various political parties. Hence the politics of backwardness cannot serve as an alibi for bad governance and failure to deliver the goods.

With elections round the corner and polarization occurring on religious grounds communal harmony deserves greater attention. In this context, Laloo's war cry and contrived passion for secularism remains a source of concern. It must be noted that the judiciary has emerged in India as the conscience keeper in the wake of a dissolute political system and the much abused state apparatus in delivering social justice. Secularism and protection of rights of all sections of society are very significant issues which the Indian state and civil society have to seriously negotiate with. At the same time it cannot afford to be impervious to lawlessness, abject poverty and deprivation, which is prevalent in several parts of the country. But the larger question remains whether issues of governance and security can be encapsulated in empty promises and false piety, as the modern Nero of Bihar would like us to believe.

Published on 8 February 2005, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1639

Politics of Conversions and Right to Equality

2009-09-14T10:41:00.000-07:00

Recent reports about the move by Rajasthan government to formulate a law to curb "forceful religious conversions" seeks to project an unbalanced picture about caste related oppression and the reaction by some quarters to trivialize the issue of religious freedom. The politics around conversion surfaced amid growing tensions between the Emmanuel Mission and some Hindu groups in Kota.

The event which kindled the tensions over religious conversions was the visit of a group of Christians from Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu to Kota on 20 February to attend a Bible course offered by the Emanuel Mission. The issue rocked the State Assembly with both the Opposition Congress and BJP government trading charges regarding the role of the VHP and Bajrang Dal and its attempts to browbeat the Emmanuel Mission. The State government also asked 90 foreign delegates, mostly from the US, who had come to participate in the mission's programme to refrain from conversion activities.

Keeping the pressure on religious conversions the State Home Minister, Gulab Chand Kataria, lambasted the Emmanuel Mission and said that there were complaints about the mission converting illiterate and poor Hindus. He went on to stretch the logic by holding that conversions were the cause for strengthening secessionist movements in the Northeast, implicitly casting aspersions on the patriotism of people who convert to other faiths. Meanwhile, the Mission head Archbishop M A Thomas, who assured that no religious conversion or baptisms were held countered, "How can you refrain from preaching or practising religion?" thereby leaving space for ambiguity on the issue of conversion.

These developments and the political discourse keep the perennial fears of Hinduism being under siege alive that facilitate short term political gains but has the potential to stoke communal passions given the experience of recent years. But, ignoring the core issue of caste based oppression, which is one of the primary reasons for conversion to another faith, is an uncharitable ploy by the state government. The present move to curb conversion would only distract attention from the heart of the problem as Rajasthan does not have a credible record of safeguarding the rights of vulnerable sections like the Dalits. This raises an important question about the overzealousness of the state in defending people's faith whilst ignoring flagrant violations of individual/group rights on the basis of caste hierarchy.

The argument put forward by groups opposing the anti-conversion law is that it could be used to target the minorities. Such arguments have some validity given the National Commission for Minorities' letter to the Rajasthan and Maharashtra Home Secretaries to immediately provide protection to Christians and Christian properties. But, stretching this argument too far would again divert attention from the abominable condition of the Dalits. Even their conversion has not translated into their liberation.

Still religious conversion has a certain relevance as it offers the marginalized sections an alternative life, a moral weapon of protest against the discrimination institutionalized by the caste system. It has been established that conversion to a new faith does not necessarily result in social change as existing caste-class divisions continue to manifest themselves in new settings. The installment of Marampudi Joji as the first Dalit archbishop of the Roman Catholic Church in India (Hyderabad) in April 2000 was disapproved by his predecessor Archbishop Arulappa on the ground that the Vatican is not aware of 'ground realities'. He went on to add that the archdiocese of Hyderabad were unhappy with the Vatican's choice.

The most puzzling aspect is the ambivalence displayed by the Indian State on intervening in issues involving conflicts and violation of human rights on caste lines where the well-being of its citizens is under threat. The incident in Jhajjar district, where five Dalits were lynched to death over allegations of skinning a dead cow in 2002, and the series of incidents which have occurred later have only heightened the existing vulnerabilities and anxieties of the lower strata of Hindu society. Similarly, one should ponder how the Rajasthan government will defend the faith of the masses without according primacy to their constitutional right to life and dignity.

Published on 12 March 2005, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1669

The Trial of Shankaracharya and Tamil Politics

2009-09-14T10:29:00.000-07:00

The arrest of the Shankaracharya of Kanchi Kamakoti Peetam on the night of the 10 November, on charges of murder was truly dramatic, in a Dravidian style with the masses and the political elites being equally befuddled. Rightly so, one of the most revered heads of a religious institution, which has been in the forefront of spreading the message of Adi Shankara and insulating itself from worldly affairs, including the temptation to manipulate the political space, had remained above the fray till the arrival of his holiness Sri Jayendra Saraswati.

While there is unequivocal consensus about the issue of equality before law when it comes to the common people and includes godmen, which is vindicated by the unsullied state of law and order in the state, some questions and issues do arise given the volatile nature (anti-Brahmanism) of Dravidian politics and the sagging credibility of the State's commitment to social justice. Later filing of cases against the Seer have sought to implicate him with sexual impropriety, mysterious deaths of some inmates and so on, followed by a series of articles in the print media with elements of sleaze, outpourings of indignation, and suggestions to take over the institution, generating quite sweeping conclusions about the state of affairs in the Kanchi Peetam. This projects a sorry picture of a chaotic democracy corresponding with the colonial notions of an India struggling to break away from its image of a country of snake charmers and mystic godmen.

The political expedition (controversial mediation on Ayodhya issue) of Sri Jayendra is not peculiar to Indian politics as there have been many cases of other seers emerging as extra constitutional authorities. What marks a radical shift is that this is the first instance of the Kanchi Mutt taking up controversial and non-religious issues. There has also been a vehement campaign in favour and against the Institution (Mutt) drawing large sections of the public and political class into the controversy. So, given the gravity of the crime and the charges, there is also an urgency to check issues which could deflect attention from the trial - the attempts to politicize the case against the Pontiff and the move to invoke faith-based assertions of innocence in his defense to decide the course of the judiciary.

Such attempts have the potential of trivializing issues that lie at the core of democracy, like equality before the law and religious freedom. A vibrant democracy cannot afford to get enmeshed in rhetoric about the pontiff's extraordinary role in deciding 'cultural correctness and safeguarding puritanical faiths', as claimed by some political groups. Currently, two contradictory positions have surfaced in the public debates. Firstly that the institution has so far had an impeccable record of being involved in social and philanthropic ventures and has attempted to address the issue of amelioration of caste prejudices. Second, an institutionalized cynicism against a particular community, displayed by both the major political parties in their attempts to consolidate their electoral base.

Moreover, the political somersault by opposition parties in Tamilnadu is something that afflicts the Indian polity in general and could unduly affect the credibility of the trial. The DMK supremo, Karunanidhi, first welcomed the arrest and backtracked later blaming the Chief Minister of launching a personal vendetta against the Seer. This was followed by a mild intervention by the Prime Minister through his letter to Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, calling for due regard for the Seer's health and social standing! The attempt to politicize the case comes at a time when stakes are high for the political parties in the forthcoming assembly elections, with the ruling AIADMK gaining the lead after its dramatic elimination of the forest Brigand Veerappan. Secondly, there is a desire to woo smaller groups of the backward classes; by invoking caste and religious sentiments since the electoral arithmetic has placed AIADMK and DMK in an even position.

Finally, with the case being sub-judice, adequate restraint needs being exercised given the nature of divisive politics practiced by the political elites, which had led to the politicization of caste. Mishandling this issue by the state or media-based trial and sensationalization could generate national communal sentiments which might become difficult to control given the quest of some political groups to invoke the paranoia of 'Hinduism' being under siege.

Published on 13 December 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1584

Democracy and Misgovernance

2009-09-14T10:22:00.000-07:00

It was rightly said by the poet that the "old order changeth yielding place to new...lest one good custom corrupt the whole"; but one needs to rid oneself of such notions when it comes to Indian politics. India continues to remain a functioning anarchy, given the intractable nature of the political elites in negotiating present problems like drought, floods and energy crisis gripping the nation. While the opposition and media question the Prime Minister's leadership qualities, debate the legacy of Savarkar, reflect paranoia over the project of writing history and launch yatras to defend the national flag, a deep sense of alienation seems to have afflicted the common masses.

The drought situation in parts of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and floods in Bihar and West Bengal have been confronted by turning the Nelson's eye, with hardly any relief while news channels are showing footage of people eating wild grass. This raises a paradox about democracy and governance, more so when the introductory section of the text of United Progressive Alliance's Common Minimum Programme states that, "the people of India have voted decisively...for parties wedded to the welfare of farmers, agricultural labour, weavers, workers and weaker sections...committed to the daily well-being of the common man across the country."

The first hundred days in office of the present government has been in targeting select institutions to purge the appointees of the previous regime, especially in educational institutions like NCERT and ICHR, removal of four state Governors belonging to a different political background, while being dogged by the controversy of appointing tainted ministers to the Cabinet. This was followed by Mani Shankar Aiyar, the Union Petroleum Minister pontificating about secularism after ordering the removal of a plaque in honour of Veer Savarkar at the Cellular jail. The drama surrounding the arrest and release of Uma Bharti, the former Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, for defying curfew orders a decade back only heightened the confrontation between the government and the opposition with each trying to take advantage in the forthcoming elections in Maharashtra. The last two issues are further complicated by contradictory events and facts. Records indicate that the Congress leadership under Indira Gandhi had issued a stamp to honour Savarkar and even contributed Rs. 11,000 from her personal funds to the Savarkar Smriti Mandal. Secondly, the Karnataka State government's ambiguous stand on the withdrawal and reframing of the charges against Uma Bharti over the Idgah Maidan event, leaves many questions unanswered.

So the political lexicon of BSP - Electricity, Roads and Water (Bijli, Sadak and Pani) has been consigned to the dustbin of India's history. The census report, while providing ammunition to the political class, has unraveled a distressing declining sex ratio, indicating the poor state of women in democratic India and the hogwash surrounding the implementation of rules for protection of rights concerning gender, health and basic nutrition. This raises more questions about making India an InfoTech hub, while neglecting elementary issues like human security and protection of the weaker sections. Caste groups and alliances have benefited in the political spectrum, but have not provided any credible results in social sphere. The failure to deliver basic services seems to have propelled a renewed interest in political symbolism, namely a move for providing reservations for Muslims, and extending reservations to the private sector. The war cry of Lalu Yadav, Union Railways Minister regarding secularism and ordering a parallel probe in Godhra episode, does not absolve him of his caste and parochial political credentials or his alleged involvement in the fodder scam.

The model code drafted by the Centre for Good Governance provides some glimmer of hope when it urges the Central government to release funds to states linked with the implementation of the code - in terms of delivery of services to the citizens. It is yet to be seen whether the political class will accord priority to the welfare of the citizens, given its propensity to divert attention away from the core issues gripping the nation. Electoral politics witnesses contests of various demands and rights, and a change of regime by the ballot is a hallmark of any democracy. What is yet to be acknowledged is that governance and delivery mechanism are an inalienable part of any government in a democratic system.

Published on 30 September 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1515

A Requiem for Reservations

2009-09-14T10:17:00.000-07:00

The move by the Andhra Pradesh government to extend five percent reservations in educational institutions and government jobs to the Muslim community raises fears of social corrective measures being exploited for creating political constituencies. The government’s order of 12 July placed the Muslim community in the Backward Classes category (E category) based on a report by the Commissioner of Minority Welfare on the state of the Muslim community. This is in addition to the existing reservations for backward classes.

The concept of reservations was envisaged when India was under colonial rule and it was established beyond doubt that there has been an illegitimate system of excluding the weaker sections of society, namely the Dalits from entry into Government jobs and educational institutions. The Poona Pact recognized the Scheduled Castes as a political category and paved the way for reservation of seats for them in the elections, but there was no significant change in their social and economic status. In the age of democracy and adult franchise, the Indian state was confronting challenges like pollution and segregation based on caste identities. Ambedkar’s main emphasis was on eradicating untouchability to accord dignity and self respect upon the Dalits, reservations were seen as a corrective mechanism to alleviate these sections from centuries of bondage.

The extension of reservations to Muslims has complicated the entire concept of reservations for two reasons: firstly, this would complicate the identity of the community by bracketing it with the depressed sections of society. The backwardness of certain sections of any religious community and the resultant problems faced at the socio-economic level are due to class differentiations. So, cases of under-representation of certain classes of Muslims have more to do with social prejudice rather than religion. This could open the floodgates for other groups to seek state intervention for ameliorating their socio-economic status, like Brahmins, Vaishyas and Rajputs in some states.

Secondly, given the volatile social fabric of the nation, it is prudent that reservation on religious lines is discouraged. A precursor to such measures is the controversial ‘Communal Award’ in 1932, which envisaged separate electorates on religious lines in legislatures. In India, communal conflicts have primarily occurred between the Hindus and Muslims, the contestations and goals have ranged from threats to cultural identities to economic interest. Reservations on religious basis would only widen the divide between the two communities, where the State is seen as an arbiter when it comes to the claims of various groups.

Moreover, the grant of group rights has been viewed by some scholars as signs of encouraging alienation and conflict between various groups over their share in the existing quotas. While untouchability does exist in some pockets of the country, the new challenge arises from large scale mobilization on caste lines and the absence/erosion of strong institutions to respond to the rising tensions. The spate of developments in the polity indicates the emergence of caste consciousness as a counter force to the secular ethos of the Indian nation. This has created further dilemmas when it comes to assessing the empowerment of the weaker sections; so, realistic assessment is needed to assess the impact of reservations on the targeted sections.

While the alienation and disillusionment of Muslims as a group should be addressed, the government should at the same time dispel the notion of reservation policies serving as an anti-poverty mechanism. The present developments could trivialize the state policy of granting reservations to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, since it is state policy to foster the integration of the weaker sections of society into the mainstream. One has to assess the benefits of the reservation policy and its utility over the longer run, given the propensity of the political parties to fish in troubled waters.

The pluralist Indian society recognizes its vast diversities but has also played a vital role in preserving and providing social and political space for nurturing and articulating these differences. Despite some notable cases of religious strife, the fact should not be ignored that Muslims in India are the largest religious minority constituting around 13 percent of the population, and they play a significant role in decision making in the country. So debating reservations would make populist agendas a yardstick of governance while strengthening the forces of communalism.

Published on 27 July 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1443

Communalizing a Killing

2009-09-14T10:12:00.000-07:00

The news report in the Lahore-based Ghazwa Times about Ishrat Jahan Raza, killed in a police encounter last month in Ahmedabad, being a member of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba seems to be the culmination of a soap opera. This incident was much debated in the print media and television channels, with stories being filed about Ishrat Jahan and Javed Sheikh, two of the four slain terrorists.

The events in the aftermath of the killing of four persons last month, for allegedly plotting to assassinate the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi could at best be described as a discordant swansong. Political parties displayed callousness in dealing with the incident, tried to outwit each other in the garb of defending secularism, minority rights and in giving a Hindu-Muslim colour to this incident. While one may assess the event in terms of a possible fake encounter, given cases of abuse of power by police forces, the tone and tenor displayed by the media and political parties heightened communal tensions.

With an eye on the forthcoming state assembly polls in Maharashtra, this issue had the potential to harvest some dividends in the electoral arena. The Maharashtra state government went ahead with a parallel probe, while one of the senior leaders of Nationalist Congress Party handed over a cheque of Rs. 1 Lakh to the mother of Ishrat Jahan, one of slain suspects. Though he has retracted, a member of the Rajya Sabha belonging to the Samajwadi Party, Abu Azmi, announced a grant of Rs. 25,000 to Ishrat’s family on the grounds that they had lost their only earning member. This was followed by a large turnout at her funeral, marked by heavy security arrangements, and a bandh observed by local traders and businessmen in the town, following belligrant slogans that she was killed for ‘belonging to a particular faith.’

Not to be outdone the Shiv Sena and Bhartiya Janata Party went further, chastising the parties which questioned the veracity of the encounter. The Sena chief Bal Thackeray lambasted the supporters of “anti-nationals,” questioned their patriotism and attempts to gain sympathy of the minority community by raking up the religious identity of the suspected militants. Thus this issue has further added to the political discourse on minority appeasement, communalism, secularism and pseudo-secularism. The politicization of the killing certainly added luster to the personality of the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, who was, till recently, facing a revolt against his leadership within the BJP state unit. This has helped him to keep his detractors at bay, which explains the impact of politicization of such killings on party politics in India.

The move to hoist a trial through media ranged from interviewing Ishrat’s college-mates, teachers, and neighbours, informing the world what a good person she was. Similar stories were filed about Javed, soliciting the opinion of his acquaintances and friends. They proclaimed that, Ishrat and Javed would be the last persons who could be suspected of any nefarious and fundamentalist tendencies. The coverage of the killing by 247 visual broadcasts dragged the case outside the realm of legal adjudication and greatly heightened existing communal paranoia. While one may argue that none should be deemed guilty till proved as such in any court of law, one certainly hopes that the champions of human rights and political groups wrangling over the incident extend similar benefit to the law enforcement authorities of Gujarat. Targeting the State government on flimsy grounds only compounds the crisis and deflects attention from ensuring a fair trial.

The Gujarat riots clearly demonstrated that communalism operates at various levels ranging from individual relations to local, institutional and national politics. Most of the political parties have carefully carved out support bases in which the unit of mobilization principally remains caste, religion and linguistic groups. Over the past two years after the riots Gujarat has witnessed a few major incidents like the attack on the Akshardham temple, so greater restraint needs to be exercised regarding such incidents. The situation warrants an active role for civil society and the media in checking distortions and romanticizing such incidents by any section of society.

While one may argue that it is utopian to restrict religion in the public sphere, it is prudent for political parties and organization not to capitalize on the religious identities of suspected militants. A modern democracy like India cannot afford to tolerate matters of faith triumphing over citizens’ security and rights.

Published on 23 July 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1439

Politics of Social Justice

2009-09-14T10:04:00.000-07:00

The new government’s war cry on reservations in the private sector for the weaker sections has become yet another scheme to fragment the social order. While decrying the policies of the outgoing regime on issues like communalism and its policies on education, this proposal to have reservations in the private sector negates the very ethos on which reformists like Ambedkar had sought reservations for a particular time frame.

The President A P J Abdul Kalam in his address to the first session of both houses of Parliament after the United Progressive Alliance assumed office stated that, “The government is sensitive to the issue of affirmative action including reservations in the private sector... My government will initiate a dialogue with political parties, industry and other bodies on how best the private sector can fulfill the aspirations of SCs and STs.” While the state is empowered to make provisions for reservation, the question would arise whether any act backed by the Parliament would be tantamount to interference in the internal management of companies in the private sector. Moreover, one could argue that while public sector concerns are instruments of the state, reservations in jobs in the private sector would be violative of Articles 19 and Article 14. A Constitutional amendment in this regard would have to be ratified by half the states of the Union. The other route is to call for a tripartite meeting of representatives from industry, trade unions and the government to seek a consensus for ensuring job reservations, and the government could issue a directive for its implementation.

The champions of social justice argue that inequality cannot be allowed to persist in democracies like India and question the stress on ‘efficiency’ as a virtue. First, they hold that since India has a social order marked by inequality at its very core, it would be unjust to lay undue emphasis on merit when certain sections of society suffer from perennial disadvantages due to age-old practices of the caste system. Second, in states like Maharashtra, some private companies face the prospect of being directed by the state government to reserve fifty two percent of their posts for members of backward classes in recruitments every year. The justification provided is that since companies like Videocon, LG Electronics and Indian Hotels are housed on land leased by the state government, it is imperative that they give something back to society by furthering the cause of social justice. Third, not to be outmaneuvered in their own game, the Lok Janshakti Party has also sought the establishment of a Dalit Regiment in the Indian army which was later toned down due to the presence of the Mahar regiment.

The emergence of political parties based on caste and sectarian lines highlights the inability of the system to broaden their social base and their ambivalence towards the acrimony prevailing between various caste groups. Their predilection to remain in power is marked by raking up caste paranoia and taking potshots at their political rivals, notwithstanding their own track record of misgovernance and abuse of power.

Politics in India is marked by acts of symbolism purporting to strengthen the constituency of the weaker sections. The most notable actions were the installation of Ambedkar statues in prominent places, organising Ambedkar Melas and naming new districts after Dalit leaders. This certainly had a positive but a short-lived effect of the weaker sections feeling empowered and gaining dignity; at the same time what is baffling is that the Indian state has confined itself only to symbolism. So far there have not been any significant changes in land holdings and ownership, health care, employment or in promoting education among the weaker sections.

The present situation displays a divisive agenda to institutionalise the prevailing social order, and instill a psychological apartheid in the minds of the populace, which makes people conscious of their origin and identity in the work place. This is vindicated by the prevalence of caste-based associations in the bureaucracy, secretariats, municipal corporations and so on. So it is prudent that the new regime addresses the fear in the minds of individuals and communities based on their identity in society. The debate on merit and its repercussions on India’s place in the world market is a vital aspect to be noted, given the limits of pursuing a social agenda in wake of globalization. What is required is to provide a human face to the reforms and provide enough opportunities to all sections of society to gain entry into knowledge-based industries.

Published on 20 June 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1414

The Pied-Piper Syndrome

2009-09-14T10:02:00.000-07:00

Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's appeal to Muslims to think carefully before casting their votes merely rekindles the stereotype image of minorities as only being vote banks in the present political scenario.

The minority development rally organised by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on 25 February clearly marks a departure from its much-professed views on equal citizenship and the politics of appeasement of minorities. The BJP seems to have reached the crossroads after having spent considerable time in crying hoarse about the Orwellian double standards of the Congress regimes on issues like Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370 and the Uniform Civil Code. What is more baffling is that the BJP had started to tread on a lonely path by questioning the Congress party's perspective towards the minorities, particularly Muslims, while holding it responsible for their marginalisation and isolation. By the early 1980s the Congress party, functioning as an umbrella organization accommodating divergent views, was on the decline, and so was its commitment to secularism. The Punjab crisis in fact, saw the Congress party playing the religious card.

Invoking the improvement of Indo-Pak relations and cricket diplomacy with Pakistan to bring in the votes of the minority community clearly points to this sorry state of affairs, more so when it came from a government, which had blamed Muslim voters in the past for deterring the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel. While one may argue that it is party interests that are permanent in electoral politics, there is a greater urgency now for the BJP to deliver the goods rather than flaunt the new entrants and mascots in its fold, like Arif Mohammed Khan. With the national polls around the corner, politicians of various hues have been shuffling their political loyalties. Minority interests tend to gain electoral premium, as was evident with the Uttar Pradesh government toying with the idea of declaring Fridays as a half-day in schools. With the increasing probability of an electoral alliance between the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Congress, the Samajwadi Party-led government in Uttar Pradesh, known for attracting Muslim votes, is also tilting towards soft Hindutva.

The continuing communal violence in Gujarat has weakened the liberal tradition and affected the credibility of India as a modern secular nation. What is at stake is the competence and non-partisan role of the state in protecting its citizens right to life, irrespective of their religious affiliations. The present regime needs to reassure the victims of the Gujarat riots by ensuring speedy and fair trials, instead of being goaded in this regard by judicial interventions. In modern democracies, it is mandatory that the attitude of the state towards religion should be one of neutrality and equal treatment to all faiths irrespective of their numerical strength. The complicity of the state in communal conflicts robs it of its neutrality and legitimacy, resulting in communities settling their differences by extra-constitutional means, with the state becoming the epicentre of conflict. The timely intervention of the Supreme Court has brought some glimmer of hope and mitigates the heightened fear and apprehensions that India is heading towards majoritarian and authoritarian rule.

It must be noted that, in practice, democracy should go beyond holding periodic elections that are reasonably fair. The protection of the rights of minorities and guarantees of personal liberties are also an inalienable attribute of modern democracy. The most conspicuous fact is that no political party has been forthcoming on issues that confront the common masses, namely, unemployment and growing communal intolerance. So the question one must ponder over is whether the coming elections and ambitious roadshows can restore faith in the Indian state and polity. Given past experience, there are reasonable apprehensions of these campaigns being short-lived and fizzling out after the polls. Recent developments suggest that electoral alliances are guided by power considerations rather than ideological convergence or commonality of socio-economic interests.

The present situation calls for action rather than symbolic gestures, which has been the hallmark of Indian politics. The recent talks between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Jamiat-i-Ulema-e-Hind which was the first of its kind has generated guarded optimism about the resolution of the Ayodhya issue. It remains to be seen whether the much-publicised feel good factor would translate into viable action to resolve such contentious and volatile issues. India could certainly shine by restoring the credibility of the state's authority and legitimacy to ensure freedom from fear and the equality guaranteed by law.

Published on 9 March 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

URL: http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=1331