Large-scale migration threatens to alter the demographic composition of the north-east region. In Tripura, the native population has already been outnumbered, leading to ethnic conflicts that have ravaged the state over the last two decades.
On 20 August, militants belonging to the National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) ambushed a truck carrying Jawans of the Tripura State Rifles at Takarjala, about 35kms from Agartala, killing 20 of them. A day before, the NLFT had gunned down Chakla Tripura, chairman of the Company Para village development committee, in Dhalai district, for not having complied with their demand for a donation. Extremist outfits like the ULFA and NSCN (IM), in adjoining states, have forged links with the NLFT and some of its cadres have received training in
The genesis of the conflict lies in the demographic changes that have occurred in the region since independence. During earlier periods, Bengalis were brought into Tripura to maintain the administrative machinery. After independence, this process gathered momentum due to the influx of settlers from
Earlier organizations like Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) which emerged due to disillusionment among the educated tribals in 1967, came up with a set of demands for the creation of an autonomous tribal district council, reconstitution of a tribal reserve, restoration of tribal lands and recognition of Kok-Borok in the Roman script as an official language and medium of instruction. Bijoy Hrangkhawl of TUJS formed the Tripura National Volunteers in 1978, which carried out a series of attacks for over a decade, before signing an agreement with the Central Government on 12 August 1988 on the same lines as the Mizo accord. This led to the creation of the Tripura Tribal Area Autonomous District Council, but has failed to usher in peace, with new outfits coming to the fore.
The stoking of the 'sons of the soil' thesis has reached alarming proportions resulting in frequent attacks on Bengalis by these two outfits. The tribal communities constituted around 32% of the state population in 1981. Militants belonging to NLFT and the ATTF want to force Bengalis, mostly refugees, out of the state where Tribals once formed the majority. The militants demands have oscillated between seeking secession from
The militants resort to killings and abductions to instill a sense of fear and intimidation on non-tribals. The commercial establishments are forced to pay protection money. The traffic on the Guwahati-Agartala highway, which is the lifeline of the state economy, continues to be subject to the writ of the militants.
The emergence of the Indigenous Peoples Front of Tripura (IPFT- a political wing of the NLFT), before the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) elections in April 2000, has witnessed unforeseen violence. The IPFT is a new forum of hill regional units comprising the Tripura Hills People's Party (THPP), Tripura Tribal National Conference (TTNC), Tripura Tribal Students Federation (TTSF) and Tripura Upajati Karmachari Samity (TUKS). The 30 member TTAADC has 28 elected members, the other two being nominated by the governor of Tripura. The IPFT won 18 seats and the Left Front won 10 seats. The IPFT openly resorts to violence to perpetuate its political dominance. The IPFT's alliance with the mainstream political parties, however, has given some legitimacy.
Over the years, the ethnic divide has widened with the emergence of militant Bengali organizations like the United Bengali Liberation Front (UBLF) and Amra Bangali. The UBLF had started targeting innocent tribals in retaliation. In early 2000, the areas having mixed population like Jirania near Agartala, Khas Kalyanpur and the Khowai sub- division witnessed a spate of killings and counter killings carried out by tribal and non-tribal outfits. The UBLF has killed 20 tribals in early 2002.
In a situation marked by lawlessness with the Centre turning a Nelsons eye, Tripura is deeply entrenched in a war of primordial identities. Some communities like the Jamatiya, Reangs and Uchais have resolved not to pay any kind of tax to the militants groups. But the conflicts would continue to manifest in different ways till the larger issues of resource sharing, land rights and socio economic rights of marginalized sections are addressed by the state.
Published on 26 September 2002, Institute of peace and Conflict Studies.
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