The return of the Samajwadi Party to power in Uttar Pradesh has vindicated the distinct nature of U.P. politics which is marked by regular defections, caste based alliances, political opportunism and abuse of the state apparatus.
Mulayam Singh Yadav came back to power after Mayawati’s resignation following differences with her coalition partner, the BJP. Yadav’s coalition government won a vote of confidence by a huge margin with all political parties, except the BJP and BSP supporting the motion. He started the proceedings on a conciliatory note by stating that he would not start with a ‘feeling of revenge.’ He also promised to undo the abuse of power by the previous government, most importantly setting free notorious people like Raghuraj Pratap Singh, popularly known as Raja bhaiya, an independent MLA, who was detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act.
The rise of the BSP under Mayawati in of Uttar Pradesh was the result of the mobilization of Dalits in politics. The BSP held that Dalits are a community of the humiliated, whose liberation depends on attaining political power on their own rather than reconciling themselves solely with material gains like reservations. The tenure of Mayawati, the first Dalit woman Chief Minister in India, was possible through strategic alliances with the Samajwadi Party in 1993. Later it joined the BJP in 1995 & 2002. These alliances were driven by power considerations rather than ideological convergence or commonality of socio-economic interests. The common interest of both parties was to check the growing influence of Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav, which was eroding the social base of both these parties. Both alliances fell apart due to constant bickering over distribution of resources and spoils of office.
BSP rule was marked by acts of symbolism to strengthen the Dalit constituency. The most notable actions were the installation of Ambedkar statues in prominent places and Dalit villages, organising Ambedkar Melas, naming new districts after Dalit leaders and instituting awards in memory of Dalit leaders and ideologues. This certainly had a positive effect in Dalits feeling empowered and gaining dignity and pride as members of an oppressed community, which had been relegated to the vortex of backwardness and deprivation by previous regimes. What is baffling is that the BSP regime chose to confine itself to these gestures and did not accelerate any changes in land holding and ownership, health care, employment or in promoting education among the weaker sections of society.
While the BSP rule sent out signals of a socio-political agenda rooted in a Dalit programme, it also highlighted the inability of other political parties to broaden their social base and their lack of concern towards the acrimony prevailing between various caste groups in the state. Mayawati’s predilection to remain in power was marked by raking up caste paranoia and taking potshots at the ‘Manuwadi’ parties, ignoring her own track record of misgovernance, abuse of power and fanfare revolving around her birthday celebrations at the cost of the state exchequer. The decision to resign and seek dissolution of the state assembly was clearly her way of responding to the Central Government’s refusal to halt the CBI probe into the ‘Taj Heritage Corridor’ project involving Rs.175 crore.
Meanwhile, the Samajwadi party and the BJP are in a see-saw contest, with Mulayam Singh trying to consolidate his backward caste and Muslim base, while the BJP seeks to get back the Hindu vote after their fortune tellers predict that the Ram temple movement will gain momentum after the recent findings of the Archaeological Survey of India. It is believed that Yadav’s caste based strategy will infuse new vigour into the religion based politics in its opponent’s camp. While political vindictiveness needs to be done away with, the fact cannot be glossed over that politicians like Raja bhaiya have a track record of violating the rights of the oppressed and running a personal fiefdom. The decision of the Congress party to stay away from being part of the government displays the unscrupulous nature of party politics, where it is exploring the possibility of having an electoral understanding with the BSP in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi, where Assembly elections are due.
The present situation calls for a pragmatic approach to the concerns of the common people who are suffering the brunt of caste based power politics. Mulayam Singh Yadav’s comeback indicates the volatile nature of Uttar Pradesh politics. With the state infrastructure in the doldrums, Yadav has a long way to go in providing the masses humane and just governance, especially to the vulnerable sections who fear retribution after the exit of the BSP regime.
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