Book Review - Of a Leader and the Movement

http://www.ipcs.org/books-review/south-asia/martin-luther-king-jr-210.html

Martin Luther King Jr. (Biography), Routledge: London & Roli Books: New Delhi, 2002, Pages: xxvi + 356, Price: Rs.350/- , ISBN: 81-7436-322-X

Author: Peter J. Ling

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The twentieth century could be termed truly as an ‘American Century’ with its footprints almost everywhere in the globe, due to its military, economic and technological reach, winning the cold war, with the Soviet Union slipping into oblivion. When the G8 leaders meet to ‘Make Poverty History’ to liberate the Dark Continent (Africa) from poverty, little would they realize that their attempts to promote a conformist view of the prevailing discourse on democracy, equality and sovereignty is also fraught by its own limitations.
In other words this exercise is cautiously viewed from some quarters as a strategic philanthropy when it comes to dealing with the Third World inhabited with weak states, to manufacture consent catering to the First World’s interests. Since many scholars feel that Africa’s agony have been its natural resources and its exploitation by the western business houses with tacit approval of the local despots. One may also ponder whether the eruption of compassion and generosity towards the African nations reach its logical end in this century?

Any student of social science would display legitimate curiosity about the state of the Afro-Americans, whose ancestors were enslaved, transported to the new world and struggled to attain the status and rights of a human and then of a Citizen. The present political boundaries of the African continent are but the creation of the former colonial empires. The history of the Black community in America (people of African origin) has been one of poignancy, desperation and that of a sub-human existence, of beasts carrying the burden of their imperial masters. The biography of Martin Luther King Jr. written by Peter J. Ling is both moving and astonishing given the account of struggle, agony and success of a big section of humanity who were subjugated on the basis of colour (racism). The writer has hit the nail on the head when he in categorical terms mentions the propensity of a section of white settlers in Southern states of USA to uphold slavery by invoking the Bible. The response to this distorted religious skullduggery has been a very philosophical introspection and a vibrant transformation of the Afro-Americans from a sense of subjugation to that of an assertive minority invoking the same scriptures for their emancipation. Stephen R. Haynes argues that it is widely acknowledged that the so-called curse of Ham was the religious rationale for slavery, utilized most often by antebellum southerners and by southern proslavery intellectuals particularly between 1830 and 1860 ("Original Dishonor: Noah's Curse and the Southern Defense of Slavery"). It has to be noted that during the American civil war the southern states sought to defend their right to preserve slavery whereas majority of its white populace didn't own any slaves but hoped to eventually get some by supporting the confederacy.

The author Peter J. Ling displays an intellectual honesty when he accepts the general suspicion revolving around biographies of historical personalities, which sometimes tend to exaggerate the role of its subject and undermine the structural forces and major events behind the emergence of the leader/personality. It would remain an endless debate whether martyrdom salvaged or preserved the position of Martin Luther King in the annals of black liberation movement. The author has invested an enormous amount of labour in tracing the events, circumstances and the historical forces which went into the making of Martin Luther King into a national icon to command a National public holiday in 1983. This is vindicated by the incorporation of various perspectives on the movement including contributions of other people in taking the movement to its logical end. The scholarly integrity is very obvious when Peter J. Ling takes note of the role of media in cultivating an image. Roy Wilkins of the NAACP resenting the manner in which the role of other Black leaders got camouflaged and at times played down. The reader can be assured that the book is not a heart rending narration of the life and times of Martin Luther King, his strength and weakness as an individual, but a dispassionate assessment of a man and the movement and how they influenced each other. The role of the First Baptist Church - the first "free negro" institution followed by the gathering of 700 black communicants in 1867 laid the way for group emancipation. Later organizations ranging from the African Methodist Episcopal (AME), the Women's Political Council, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and numerous other organizations which shaped the movement have been discussed at length and their role meticulously chronicled.

Afro-Americans of Martin Luther King's generation had a dream that they would eventually be accepted and accorded like other Americans with the same rights and privileges, as enshrined in the constitution, regardless of their colour and creed. The Civil Rights Movement, school integration, bus boycotts, move against segregation and mixed neighbourhoods were seen as instruments to achieve these goals. Much water has flown down the Ohio which witnessed symbols of resistance of the segregationist era, when sports legend Cassias Clay (presently known as Mohammad Ali), flung his Olympic gold medal in the river for having failed to secure an egalitarian America - for its involuntary migrants turned citizens.

The author deserves accolades for not only taking an unbiased picture of a historical personality and an era marred by contestations for equality and dignity for the marginalized and subjugated black community, but more for unraveling the human side of an icon of the liberation movement whilst assessing his contribution in an objective manner. Peter J. Ling is neither discreet nor vituperative about Martin Luther's personal life, but has thoughtfully ensured in his writing, that it doesn't overshadow the central concern of his research on the struggle of the Afro-Americans. This is the paradox of history that sometimes movements produce a personality and sometimes it is the personality who outlives the movement in the later stages, by assuming a legendary status.

The book very aptly covers wide ranging aspects of the black struggle ranging from the genesis of the problem, the making of Martin Luther King as a socio-political persona, the movement and its strategies. Like any other movement the black movement had its own set of challenges ranging from the internal squabbles as seen in any mass movements and a failure to broaden the base to accommodate inter-racial politics. However this doesn't in any manner obfuscate the contribution of some liberals from outside, like James J. Reeb, a clergyman from Boston and Mrs. Viola Gregg Liuzzo, who volunteered for the cause of Blacks and fell prey to the violence of the white supremacist groups like Ku Klux Klan.

Francis Fukuyama seems to be in a state of hallucination, with application of selective reading of current history, when he sermonizes that America is grounded in democracy and human rights and that there is a need to teach other people of the world to govern themselves. This proposition remains controversial and grandiose to some extent since the Afro-American community continues to be depicted in an incongruous manner by overzealous and excessive focus on the Rodney King episode, chasing O.J. Simpson and the recent trial of Michael Jackson. Notwithstanding the success of Justice Clarence Thomas, Gen.Collin Powell and Condolezza Rice, who are relegated as mere symbols. The position of Afro-American community remains abysmal in terms of poverty, unemployment and criminal activities.

This is very conspicuous age where there is a legitimate fear of states catering to majoriatrian democracy in the 'free world'. A fact endorsed by the toughest challenges faced by Martin Luther King from radicals like Malcolm X, who were out to justify the retaliatory strikes in Birmingham, citing the double standards of the Kennedy government in dealing with race riots. Earlier the anti-segregation Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW) was countered by President Truman's Federal Employee Loyalty Program. The FBI went to the extent of branding inter-racial association as a criterion for defining a subversive organization. It is well established that the complicity of the state in serving only majoritarian interests eventually erodes its neutrality and legitimacy and distorts democratic norms.

While there have also been widespread gains and remarkable developments in terms of abolition of racial barriers in the choice of spouse, employment and place of residence. But Emerson's prophecy of an American nation being built, by constructing a new race, a new religion and a new state, has been checked by a resounding wave of multiculturalism. The Blacks redesignated as African Americans or Afro-Americans, have chosen to emphasize their ethnic distinctiveness and the multicultural character of American society, after being left out of the 'collective experience' of making a new nation. Multiculturalism in America today is viewed as a reactive phenomenon, a consequence of its inability to incorporate the Afro-American populace into its society, to the same degree it has able to incorporate so many other immigrant groups including Indians. While it is quite palpable to understand Condoleezza Rice's self righteous reaction some years ago that, "We are not going to stop talking about the things that matter to us - human rights and religious freedom and so forth. We're going to continue to press those issues. We would not be America if we did not." It would remain a puzzle to understand why mainstream Afro-American politicians like Rev. Jesse Jackson had difficulty in soliciting the votes of the white working class when he contested the Democratic nomination with Michael Dukakis in 1988 (He secured 92% of Black votes but only 17% of white votes).

The assumption as propounded by Huntington that modernity is an exclusive characteristic of the West, primarily America, may appear evident on the surface. But such one dimensional definition of modernity tends to get skewed since many oppressive notions, racism being the most visible, appear under the garb of modernity rationalized by colonial science. Multiculturalism and the melting pot syndrome of assimilation are debated in American Universities, media and Hollywood, while trying to portray an ideal world. It also confronts an inescapable reality of unequal distribution of wealth, freedom selectively denied to the marginalized sections, a heightened unease between groups in the country of immigrants, on the issues of differences in religion, value system, race, and historical memories (conquest of America and slave trade).

The use of non-violence in the movement is very rightly described as a move to seek justice and reconciliation, Gandhiji's weapon of the weak in persuading and as well as pressurizing the regime to address the issues of equality and human dignity. Some of the strategies of the movement are reminiscent of India's freedom movement to some extent, when non-cooperation movement and Satyagarha dominated in the Indian freedom struggle. The move to have voter registration and one for demonstration after bus boycotts highlight the importance of electoral means in achieving the goals of the movement. As the author argues that by 1965 political exclusion of the Afro-Americans had considerably receded, the half century of migration of the blacks out of rural south paved way for creation of significant voting blocks in cities of New York, California and Michigan forcing the presidential candidates to take notice of them. The success of the passage of Civil Rights Bill, King's view on Vietnam War, mobilization in Chicago and the march in Montgomery has been very vividly showcased in this book which is part of the Routledge Historical Biography series.

In the end one would agree with the perspectives through which a social movement is analysed, taking note of its success, limitations and internal contradictions. Despite being a successful social movement one would very justly endorse Peter J. Ling that "success to Martin Luther King was never complete, enduring or unambiguous".

One defining moment in the history of the struggle of the Afro-Americans has been the pivotal role of the Church, in fostering a sense of fraternity, brotherhood and also in mobilization as was witnessed during the advent of the Baptist church. The author could have devoted some space on this phenomenon since he has tried to evaluate the role of black movement in the contemporary era in the last chapter. The debates about equality and emancipation rooted to a particular religion and issues of black racism also warrant some explanation. The last two decades have witnessed the radicalization of various religious denominations and has primarily swayed people living on the margins of the society. On the publishing side the only major grouse is the small font size of the book which is very irksome and not reader friendly. Finally the issues of dominant culture being internalized by some sections (white Anglo-Saxon Protestant culture) and their propagation, affirmative action in the United States and their impact in wake of the movement could be explored, after all institutions outlive individuals.

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http://www.ipcs.org/ipcs_books_selreviews.php?recNo=210

Book Review - Ideological under currents in Indo-Israel Relations

Namaste Sharon: Hindutva and Sharonism under US Hegemony, New Delhi, Left Word Books, 2003, Pages: X+111, Price: Rs.75.00

Author :Vijay Prasad

The book written by Vijay Prasad comes at time when India is trying to come out of the vestiges of the post soviet union world order and is in the process of redefining its interests. Prasad tries to explore the ideological moorings of Indo-Israel relations during the reign of the Bhartiya Janata Party led NDA government, in wake of the advent of US unilateralism. According to the author the advent of Hindutva in India, Likud party in Israel and their subsequent attempts for a strategic alliance, marked by the rise of Christian right/Neocons in the US is based on belligerent means and goals of confronting the Muslim populace and provoking their neighbouring states in their respective regions. The basis of this encounter has been denounced on the ground that it would only facilitate the imperial forays of the US in their respective regions, at the cost of undermining the local conflicts, falling into the Huntington trap which seeks to discredit and vilify Islam and Communism. The theme of the book is very innovative as not much literature is available in exploring the strands that reflect the importance of domestic politics and agendas in the formulation of foreign policy.
 

The book is flooded with details about names and events, regimes, organizations, personalities, international events and religious groups, by the author in his attempts to draw the picture of the collaboration between the rightist forces in these countries. It gives a vivid account of the nature of India’s relationship with the Arab world, the power of their energy resources in influencing India’s foreign policy, India straddling between new security concerns and traditional ties which evolved due to the shared values of the freedom struggle. At the same time the author states that the present Indo-Israel interaction is devoid of any objectivity. However the author displays dogmatism, when he refuses to throw light on any other probable factor apart from BJP’s ideological leanings that could have facilitated the recent developments in India’s relations with Israel and the United States. 

The first and second chapter tries to chronicle the stages in which the Indo-Israel relations underwent qualitative changes from a limited engagement which was mainly influenced by the solidarity towards Arab nationalism under the leadership of Nasser. The author very candidly states the factors which determined India’s principled position on the Palestinian and Jewish question, during India’s struggle for independence under the vanguard of the Indian national Congress. Nehruvian idealism envisaged support to the hitherto unrepresented nationalities of the Third world and displayed an avowed solidarity to the cause of Palestine as well as deplored the holocaust. This was followed by pragmatic concerns like dependence on the Arab oil and balancing act in negotiating with the cold war conundrum which deterred any kind of move towards Israel. 

The proponents and earlier writings of Hindutva, which emerged as a political force in the electoral politics of India and also witnessed the coming of right wing BJP to power in 1998, are adequately highlighted in the third and fourth chapters to derive a comparative framework. The common ground on which the enterprise of formation of the nation state operates is the writings of Golwalkar, Savarkar addressing the Jewish question, emulating the ideals of Nazism and Zionism. The author notes that the relations with Israel witnessed a qualitative shift in 1998 thus vindicating what he terms the anti Islam character of Hindutva. He opines that BJP’s sole purpose has been in crafting the security doctrine based on fear and strength (P.27). Such sweeping generalization clearly evades the political pressures from India’s domestic constituency vis a vis Israel. India’s diplomatic imbroglio at the Organisation of Islamic countries on the Kashmir issue or India towing the Moroccan line on the Saharawi independence movement as a trade off on the Kashmir issue, its stand on East Timor and cross border terrorism emanating from Pakistan do not find even a passing reference in the dissection of the ‘ideological under currents’ that govern the Indo-Israel relations under the American umbrella. The rise of suicide terrorism in J&K is defined as a result of the BJP regime’s attempts to replicate the harsh counter terrorism measures of the Sharon regime.
 

However there is a genuine call for caution and restraint in negotiating is the rising American hegemony in the comity of states, which has the propensity to inundate the world through its military might and commerce. India’s quest to seek a suitable place under US unilateralism by endorsing Bush doctrine is highly flawed since both India and Israel can’t match the prowess of the US. They would invariably end up as regional satraps/ vassals, catering to the American grandiose plans of spreading its military and economic wings in South Asia and West Asia respectively. These is vindicated by the role of MNCs like Enron and the conditionalties attached to aid which threaten to subvert the existing economic institutions in countries like India. 

The fifth and sixth chapter focus on the contours and seeds of the strategic relationship between India and Israel that had been laid in the 1960’s and 1970’s devoid of any publicity. The relations continue to be one sided in terms of India’s dependence on Israel to replace its vintage soviet weaponry and tap alternate sources of arms supply to deal with embargos in the aftermath of Pokhran tests in 1998. Ties with Israel are also seen as a wishful attempt to retrieve India’s conventional superiority which had been neutralized by Pakistan conducting similar tests in Chagai in 1998. The debate shifts to the interaction between the Indian diaspora and the Jewish groups in the United States, trying to influence the regimes in their respective homelands in forging an alliance in wake of ‘similar threats’, a move influenced by geopolitical rather than cultural values. The author seems to miss a major point with regard to the role of diaspora in trans national religious movement when he uses terms like ‘Yankee Hindutva’, as he seems to look at certain religious movement and groups in isolation while extending benefit of doubt to others. While globalization is blamed for economic and cultural hegemony by the west, issues like Saudi based Wahhabi fundamentalism move against syncretic and secularist Islamic culture across the globe warrants adequate attention.

Overall the book is a welcome intervention and tries to bridge the divide between domestic and international politics. The south Asian region remains Indo -centric in terms of its geographical spread and asymmetrical power structure. Politicization of religion or fundamentalism of any kind is not peculiar to any particular country in the Indian subcontinent. A broad perspective needs to be adopted while exploring the linkages between terrorism, fundamentalism and globalization.

URL:

http://www.ipcs.org/ipcs_books_selreviews.php?recNo=190