Tuesday, June 24, 2014

On the Government's order for giving priority to Hindi on official social media


Indians must cherish their polyglot identity
(My comments on promotion of Hindi,  in DNA, Page-4, 24 June 2014)


The present hullabaloo over the alleged imposition of Hindi on non-Hindi socio-cultural groups has generated unwarranted controversy. The new government is merely trying to promote Hindi which is also the state language (Raj Basha) and this is a significant move since social media is making inroads and covering a substantial section of our society.   India has moved ahead and the movement for statehood on linguistic basis has now ironically transformed into statehood based on regional distinctness rather than linguistic homogeneity as vindicated by the Telangana movement. Every nation seeks to have a link language and Hindi is spoken by a substantial section and the exception to it has been the Northeast and Tamilnadu in the south. While other southern states have benefitted by the three language policy, the linguistic sub nationalism remains an easy political tool of convenience, in the political spectrum of Tamilnadu.

This issue must be addressed in a holistic manner lest a sense of second class citizenship emerges based on the linguistic affiliation, as perceived by some, about through the depiction of ethnic Marathi, Tamil or Bengali speakers, in the Mumbai based Hindi films. The central government at the same time must ensure promotion of languages like Marathi, Tamil and Telugu in the north, through kendriya vidyalayas, in order to promote our rich cultural heritage and polyglot identity. Moreover in an age of IT revolution no state in the world can afford to impose any language.

Wednesday, May 21, 2014

Credible opposition needs dedicated leaders



It is time for an honest introspection and shunning of politics of tokenism.
(My comments on opposition parties,  in DNA, Page-6, 21 may 2014)


The results of the national poll of 2014 has presented in a spectacular development in the present scenario. While in the last three decades, we were witness to the coalition and consensus building in the formation of government at the centre, this time one would be perhaps be watching a coalition to form a political opposition to take the new government, under Mr Narendra Modi.
A credible opposition not necessarily requires a substantial number but a leader with credibility and one who is committed to the betterment of the nation at large. Earlier instances of Rajagopalachari, AK Gopalan, Piloo Mody, Atal Behari Vajpayee and LK Advani, were clear indicators that even a numerically small opposition had the capability of taking on a government to task o issues of governance and development.
While the present outcome is very positive in terms of having a stable government for the next five years, the defeat of the congress party clearly indicates a rejection of politics of patronage, misgovernance, corruption, factional politics and dynasty rule. So the debate on having a constructive and credible opposition must address larger issues confronting these parties, by a radical transformation like inner party democracy, credible public policy and social justice, and not in the manner as suggested by the recent détente between Lalu Yadav and Nitish kumar. 

Wednesday, April 23, 2014

When personal becomes political: matrimony and the Indian political class

My article published in Opendemocracy.net, 22 April 2014
 
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/openindia/when-personal-becomes-political-matrimony-and-indian-political-class/

 In a nation where politics is a family business, the marital status of politicians assumes tremendous significance. The recent commotion over the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate merely reinforces the double standards and inherent bias of India's patriarchal and caste system. 

Surrounded by a crowd of supporters, Narendra Modi filed his nomination papers  
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi filed his nomination papers from Vadodara Lok Sabha seat

“Love can flourish only as long as it is free and spontaneous; it tends to be killed by the thought of duty. To say that it is your duty to love so-and-so is the surest way to cause you to hate him or her.”
― Bertrand Russell, Marriage and Morals

The ongoing national polls in India have been one of the most acrimonious and telegenic battles over ideological righteousness, with political leaders, in the name of taking up the cudgels on behalf of the dispossessed, simultaneously ushering in a phenomenal erosion of decency and norms.

The ongoing battle reached a new low when the Indian National Congress, one of the oldest political formations that traces its roots to India’s independence struggle, approached the Indian Election Commission through its senior leader, Kapil Sibal (who, incidentally, is the Union Law Minister), over the issue of the marital status of Narendra Modi. Mr. Sibal requested the Commission to take suitable action against the BJP leader for having concealed information and for not having furnished details about his marital status in the election affidavits filed by him in the past.

This development comes in the wake of the Supreme Court judgment and the new guidelines of the Election Commission of September 2013, which makes it mandatory for political candidates to provide complete details in their affidavits. Consequently, for the first time Mr. Modi has officially declared himself as a married man, which was already an open secret in Gujarati society.

The revelation of his wife’s name in an affidavit filed before the Election Commission, along with his nomination papers for Vadodara Lok Sabha seat, has opened a tinderbox of patriarchal bias, reinforcing the fact that women in India continue to be perceived and projected as symbols and carriers of community pride.
The public disclosure of the marital status provided ideal political ammunition for Mr. Modi’s detractors, who have sought to confront him over the alleged betrayal and desertion of his wife, thereby questioning his credentials for the post of Prime Minister, and over his electoral promises concerning the empowerment of Indian women.

What was missed by most of the detractors was the very futility of fossilizing the existence of two individuals who had amicably reconciled with the inevitability of tradition and patriarchy. The only ray of hope in this entire controversy seems to be their resolve to move ahead, notwithstanding their individual and community’s social location in a traditional society governed by a state which is confronted with modernity.

This is certainly an exception to the Great Indian Middle Class audience that continues to get baptized in the age-old Victorian morals and retains its adherence to eurocentric values through educational institutions bequeathed by its former British rulers that continue to operate as the ideological apparatus of the Indian state in present settings. The larger picture missed--Mr. Modi’s marital status--by telegenic political rivals in this otherwise short-lived brouhaha was an abdication of core issues in confronting one’s political opponents.
The clarification provided by Mr. Modi's elder brother confirms the inevitability of certain social groups breaking free from the traditions embedded in their primordial identities, when they lack the requisite social capital and economic empowerment. Since these issues date back to around five decades ago, the compulsion to adhere to such social norms was acute and social ostracism could have been the only logical conclusion for individuals and families not subscribing to community norms and interdependence. Moreover, the facts need to be analyzed in the context of Mr. Modi’s poor social stature and traditionally orthodox family background in his earlier days, before he undertook his political journey. Interestingly, the fact that it was a marriage of minors and not of two consenting adults is selectively brushed aside in the media’s political discourse.

However, one could argue that the Supreme Court’s guidelines need to move further towards consonance with ‘modern times’ and to extract information from Indian political parties and their great leaders concerning their relations even outside the institution of marriage, and about children born both within and outside of wedlock, rather than seeking to emasculate them with general queries about their marital status.

The recent court ruling over the paternity suit against veteran former Congress leader ND Tiwari is a case in point. It has merely highlighted the duplicity practiced by the Indian political class since the Nehruvian years, unlike their French counterparts who have displayed enough grace to acknowledge their conduct in public. In the Indian scenario, it is easy to camouflage these types of transgressions for symbolic purposes behind the façade of the institution of marriage, which is protected by the predominant male patriarchy of the nation. The BJP’s admonition of the Congress party’s scion over his personal comments on Modi’s marital status merely highlights what has continued to be perceived as an unwritten code. The open secret about the lives and the squabble within the Nehru-Gandhi family over the inheritance of legacy, dynasty and identity is suggestive of this code.

Such acts not only seek to reflect a lopsided understanding of the nation, but also clearly seek to reinforce traditional norms favouring the subjugation of Indian women. The political discourse of some political parties seeks to embed the conventional order that ensures the subordination of women and their objectification at the service of the male-driven social and political order.

Finally, what would have been the terms of reference for the political discourse, if the person in question had origins from society’s upper caste demographic? 

The present hullabaloo is clearly an unpleasant diversion from the core issues of Indian electoral politics. This development is certainly an open invitation to unravel more secrets of an increasingly bizarre kind and much more uncomfortable truths across the Indian political spectrum, causing more upheavals in the nation.

Friday, April 4, 2014

AAP’s ambivalent policies continue to haunt it

 My comments on AAP fielding candidates facing criminal charges.

http://epaper.dnaindia.com/epapermain.aspx?pgNo=6&edcode=820040&eddate=2014-4-04

The ADR report, which states that the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), professed to be a party with ‘revolutionary zeal’, has fielded 15 candidates (out of its list of 78) with criminal cases, merely highlights its propensity to adopt all possible strategies to remain buoyant in the national political discourse. Ironically, it is the same AAP which had launched a crusade against corruption and had been invoking the need to have a clean political environment, which were seen as clinching factors for its impressive performance in the Delhi state assembly polls. This opened the floodgates of possibilities with its focus on issues that confront the day-to-day lives of the common people like the inclusion of a citizen-centric public discourse in the allocation of public resources like water and electricity, access to education and healthcare and confronting the corporate India over pricing of electricity and gas. However, its ambivalent policies which included vigilantism by its ministers, attempt to engage political rivals in street battles, studied silence on ideological issues and on representation of women continue to haunt it. The inclusion of candidates with criminal background must be seen in a broader perspective, since AAP in its quest to capitalize its short-term ‘sacrifice’ seeks to eye a national-level constituency. The party has become a safe haven for many aspirants including businessmen, artistes, journalists, NGO members and legal professionals who either had failed elsewhere or want to explore the new political platform. This has resulted in the present disconnect with its immediate constituency i.e. the aam aadmi.

Sunday, March 2, 2014

On the inevitability of transnational linkages in the Srilankan Tamil Crisis



My response posted in The Hoot, on March 2, 2014 -


The fact is that the Tamils of Tamilnadu and Srilanka share transnational ethnic linkages and the events, especially the persecution in the name of war on the LTTE that led to extermination of thousands of innocent Tamils are certainly an important issue of concern in the political discourse in Tamilnadu. The Indian state has been indifferent to the plight of Tamils, ironically the so called civil society and diplomatic community in Delhi who pontificate on the virtues of 'Track II Diplomacy' and ‘People to People contacts’, highlighting the organic ties with Punjabis, Mohajirs and Sindhis of Pakistan, are impervious when similar sentiments are aired about the ties with Srilankan Tamils.

Secondly the so called Dravidian parties with the exception of AIADMK and Vaiko, have been rather ambivalent and displayed sheer opportunism about the plight of Tamils. This is evident by their unprincipled silence during the military operation carried out by the Lankan army in 2009, the war on Eelam which was marked by organized killing of thousand of Tamils and ethnic cleansing.

Thirdly being anti LTTE doesn’t mean being anti Tamil, the killing of Rajiv Gandhi, former Prime Minister, also marked the loss of faith in such liberation force that had evolved as a fascist and Frankenstein outfit. At the same the present government of the AIADMK, has displayed enough courage, by remaining committed to the Tamil cause minus LTTE, since no single outfit can claim monopoly over the mass sentiments or Tamil identity. The LTTE let down the Indian goodwill by eliminating leaders like Amritalingam of moderate Tamil factions, thus closing the doors for a broader consensus and coalition.

Fourthly, while one can understand the plight of the other victims of the LTTE, who were killed along with Rajiv Gandhi, one must understand that the main accused i.e, the LTTE and its suicide bombers and accomplices like Sivarasan and Subha, are no more and there are many ethical issues involving the conviction of some of the accused like Periavalan, who was merely nineteen years old and had spent around two decades in prison. Human Rights activists have questioned the manner in which the trials were held. It is rather ironical that one of the accused delivered a child in the prison and has been deprived from meeting her child, due to the political intransigence of the Indian government.

Fifthly the bogey of human rights are also guided by vested interests in India, when they are pleas for commuting capital punishment to life term, involving pedophiles’, serial killers, rapists and murders and people involved in organized killing of people on basis of primordial identities (caste/religion/ethnicity etc), this issue is projected as a vital issue concerning national security. One may argue that this case could have been handled with much legal and political finesse, lest it be construed as rabble-rousing in the minefields of ethno-politics. 


Finally one of the respondents to the article, who is a very respected journalist and whose anger is understandable, could have provided a scholarly/academic/journalistic response based on reason, rather than sounding personal. The respondent needs to question the very framing of the arguments in the article, rather than casting aspersions on the author, based on caste identity, moreover which is out of vogue, since a decade. On the academic side the Human genome project has dismissed the so called race theory. 


Link - for the article titled "Regional Media Dynamics" published in The Hoot on February 24, 2014 (http://www.thehoot.org/web/Regional-national-media-dynamics/7325-1-1-2-true.html)

Thursday, January 2, 2014

It is too early to predict demise of conventional party politics in India

 My comments on AAP.

http://epaper.dnaindia.com/epapermain.aspx?pgNo=4&edcode=820040&eddate=2014-1-02

The arrival of AAP symbolises the strengthening of Indian democracy. The preliminary indications suggest that public policy centric discourse is gaining importance.

At the outset it is also being speculated by some that AAP represents ‘politics of entitlements, empowerment and accountability’ which will displace the conventional politics of socio-cultural and economic identity from the Indian political landscape. However, it is too early to predict the demise of the conventional party politics and the politics of accommodating the group interest. The fact that AAP has evolved from Anna led a movement and it getting formally institutionalised as a political party, vindicates the importance of party politics over NGO activism on the formulation of public policy and governance. A nation needs politics which takes care of the welfare of its people and also safeguards its socioeconomic and cultural values. India is confronted by many challenges which requires parties and political leaders, who can device strategies for the next generation, and not merely resort to piecemeal packages.

So, while the victory of AAP can be celebrated by people seeking alternatives to the present political order, however, it cannot be an end in itself.There are no fullstops, when it comes to Indian democracy springing up some more surprises.

Challenges of Religious Terrorism

BOOK REVIEW: Published in The Book Review, Volume XL, Number 3, March 2016, pp. 71-72, ISSN: 0970-4175 Deconstructing Terrorist Vio...