The move by the Andhra Pradesh government to extend five percent reservations in educational institutions and government jobs to the Muslim community raises fears of social corrective measures being exploited for creating political constituencies. The government’s order of 12 July placed the Muslim community in the Backward Classes category (E category) based on a report by the Commissioner of Minority Welfare on the state of the Muslim community. This is in addition to the existing reservations for backward classes.
The concept of reservations was envisaged whenIndia was under colonial rule and it was established beyond doubt that there has been an illegitimate system of excluding the weaker sections of society, namely the Dalits from entry into Government jobs and educational institutions. The Poona Pact recognized the Scheduled Castes as a political category and paved the way for reservation of seats for them in the elections, but there was no significant change in their social and economic status. In the age of democracy and adult franchise, the Indian state was confronting challenges like pollution and segregation based on caste identities. Ambedkar’s main emphasis was on eradicating untouchability to accord dignity and self respect upon the Dalits, reservations were seen as a corrective mechanism to alleviate these sections from centuries of bondage.
The extension of reservations to Muslims has complicated the entire concept of reservations for two reasons: firstly, this would complicate the identity of the community by bracketing it with the depressed sections of society. The backwardness of certain sections of any religious community and the resultant problems faced at the socio-economic level are due to class differentiations. So, cases of under-representation of certain classes of Muslims have more to do with social prejudice rather than religion. This could open the floodgates for other groups to seek state intervention for ameliorating their socio-economic status, like Brahmins, Vaishyas and Rajputs in some states.
Secondly, given the volatile social fabric of the nation, it is prudent that reservation on religious lines is discouraged. A precursor to such measures is the controversial ‘Communal Award’ in 1932, which envisaged separate electorates on religious lines in legislatures. InIndia , communal conflicts have primarily occurred between the Hindus and Muslims, the contestations and goals have ranged from threats to cultural identities to economic interest. Reservations on religious basis would only widen the divide between the two communities, where the State is seen as an arbiter when it comes to the claims of various groups.
Moreover, the grant of group rights has been viewed by some scholars as signs of encouraging alienation and conflict between various groups over their share in the existing quotas. While untouchability does exist in some pockets of the country, the new challenge arises from large scale mobilization on caste lines and the absence/erosion of strong institutions to respond to the rising tensions. The spate of developments in the polity indicates the emergence of caste consciousness as a counter force to the secular ethos of the Indian nation. This has created further dilemmas when it comes to assessing the empowerment of the weaker sections; so, realistic assessment is needed to assess the impact of reservations on the targeted sections.
While the alienation and disillusionment of Muslims as a group should be addressed, the government should at the same time dispel the notion of reservation policies serving as an anti-poverty mechanism. The present developments could trivialize the state policy of granting reservations to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, since it is state policy to foster the integration of the weaker sections of society into the mainstream. One has to assess the benefits of the reservation policy and its utility over the longer run, given the propensity of the political parties to fish in troubled waters.
The pluralist Indian society recognizes its vast diversities but has also played a vital role in preserving and providing social and political space for nurturing and articulating these differences. Despite some notable cases of religious strife, the fact should not be ignored that Muslims inIndia are the largest religious minority constituting around 13 percent of the population, and they play a significant role in decision making in the country. So debating reservations would make populist agendas a yardstick of governance while strengthening the forces of communalism.
Published on 27 July 2004, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
The concept of reservations was envisaged when
The extension of reservations to Muslims has complicated the entire concept of reservations for two reasons: firstly, this would complicate the identity of the community by bracketing it with the depressed sections of society. The backwardness of certain sections of any religious community and the resultant problems faced at the socio-economic level are due to class differentiations. So, cases of under-representation of certain classes of Muslims have more to do with social prejudice rather than religion. This could open the floodgates for other groups to seek state intervention for ameliorating their socio-economic status, like Brahmins, Vaishyas and Rajputs in some states.
Secondly, given the volatile social fabric of the nation, it is prudent that reservation on religious lines is discouraged. A precursor to such measures is the controversial ‘Communal Award’ in 1932, which envisaged separate electorates on religious lines in legislatures. In
Moreover, the grant of group rights has been viewed by some scholars as signs of encouraging alienation and conflict between various groups over their share in the existing quotas. While untouchability does exist in some pockets of the country, the new challenge arises from large scale mobilization on caste lines and the absence/erosion of strong institutions to respond to the rising tensions. The spate of developments in the polity indicates the emergence of caste consciousness as a counter force to the secular ethos of the Indian nation. This has created further dilemmas when it comes to assessing the empowerment of the weaker sections; so, realistic assessment is needed to assess the impact of reservations on the targeted sections.
While the alienation and disillusionment of Muslims as a group should be addressed, the government should at the same time dispel the notion of reservation policies serving as an anti-poverty mechanism. The present developments could trivialize the state policy of granting reservations to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, since it is state policy to foster the integration of the weaker sections of society into the mainstream. One has to assess the benefits of the reservation policy and its utility over the longer run, given the propensity of the political parties to fish in troubled waters.
The pluralist Indian society recognizes its vast diversities but has also played a vital role in preserving and providing social and political space for nurturing and articulating these differences. Despite some notable cases of religious strife, the fact should not be ignored that Muslims in
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